On the evening of March 2, 1917, Rodzianko sent a note to Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, brother of Nicholas II: Mikhail cannot avoid being regent! And Rodzianka himself could be hanged at any moment.
What a burden!
At six o'clock in the morning on March 3, Kerensky calls Mikhail Alexandrovich from the Provisional Government: does the Grand Duke know what happened yesterday in Pskov? No? Then the ministers will come today to meet him at Princess Putyatina’s apartment.
Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, brother of Nicholas II
They wait until almost ten. Mikhail suspects his brother's abdication. This means they will impose a regency. Ah, they will deprive of all human life! This is fate! Then, by the will of his brother, the Tsar, he was expelled from service, deprived of the rank of colonel, and property guardianship was established over him. Either he commanded a brigade, a division, and finally an inspector of the entire cavalry. But they offer him the whole of Russia? He was not used to such space, he was used to living in a smaller space.
He regrets that his wife Natasha is not with him now (and she has always been very pro-Duma).
When almost all the guests have already gathered, Mikhail comes out to them; are seated.
Rodzianko announces to the Grand Duke that the matter has gone much deeper than expected: he was not appointed regent, the throne is being transferred to him as emperor!
Mikhail is stunned. Didn't Nicky know his aversion to government affairs? And they didn’t let me get ready!
Asks guests to speak.
The first is Rodzianko (he has already thought that in the event of a change of dynasty, he himself will be one of the main candidates for the throne). He begins with the fact that Mikhail Alexandrovich can decide completely freely, but the answer must be given now(it’s not clear why there’s such a rush). He explains that the transfer of the throne into the hands of the Grand Duke is illegal: the emperor can abdicate only for himself, but not in anyone’s favor, and the transfer can only occur by succession to the throne, in this case only to Tsarevich Alexei. The act of abdication does not say that the son of Nicholas II renounces the throne. Thus, the entire transfer of the throne to Mikhail Alexandrovich could cause fierce legal disputes. This would play into the hands of the enemies of Russia, and with the growing revolutionary mood of the masses, accepting the throne would be madness on the part of the Grand Duke. Mikhail Alexandrovich will reign for only, perhaps, a few hours, and civil war will break out. But there are no loyal troops. The revolutionaries will not be allowed out of Petrograd, and the Grand Duke will be killed.
Mikhail Rodzianko, 1914
Rodzianko repeats the same thoughts in different words for a long time. For Mikhail, this is even a relief: there is no need for a throne, and no need for responsibility!
They show Mikhail Alexandrovich a handwritten copy of the sovereign's Manifesto of abdication.
Then the head of the Provisional Government, the fair, handsome Prince Georgy Lvov, takes the floor. Well-intentioned, wonderfully expressed, but it is very difficult to understand in his rounded phrases: what is his opinion? Should Mikhail Alexandrovich accept the throne or not? As much as could be discerned from his smooth speech, Lvov was of the same opinion as Rodzianko.
But then Miliukov enters imperiously: Your Imperial Highness! It is out of the question for you not to accept the throne! Your responsibility is before the three-hundred-year-old dynasty, before Russia!... If you also renounce, it will be a renunciation for the entire dynasty. Russia cannot exist without a monarchy. The monarch is its center! this is its axis! Preserving the monarchy is the only way to maintain order in the country. Without the support of this symbol, the Provisional Government will not live to see the Constituent Assembly.
Pavel Nikolaevich Milyukov, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the first composition of the Provisional Government. Photo 1910
Mikhail Alexandrovich listens with surprise to this speech by the recent chief critic of the throne. And it’s true: Russia cannot exist without a monarchy!
Miliukov: A civil war will not begin if you accept the throne, but it will begin if you do not! - and this will be deadly in an external war... You hold the salvation of Russia in your hands: accept the throne! Only in this way will our new power be established. There is only one monarchy known and recognized by the people!
Miliukov does not stop talking: Your Imperial Highness! If you do not accept the throne now, a new Time of Troubles will arise in Russia and perhaps even more ruinous and long. I strongly disagree with Rodzianko's conclusion. Yes, now in the capital it is difficult to find the right part for support. But they exist, I think, in Moscow. They are everywhere in the country. You need to immediately join the active army - and you will be invincible. We will be the first to not live through these turbulent times without you. We ask you for help...
Mikhail Alexandrovich hesitates. Is it really not as difficult to escape from Petrograd as Rodzianko portrayed?..
The mood in the capital is extremely alarming. The wildest rumors are circulating in society, both about the intentions of the government authorities (in the sense of taking various kinds of reactionary measures), and equally about the assumptions of groups and segments of the population hostile to this government (in the sense of possible and probable revolutionary initiatives and excesses).
Everyone is waiting for some exceptional events and performances from both sides. They are equally serious and anxiously awaiting various revolutionary outbreaks, as well as the seemingly undoubted “palace coup” in the near future, the herald of which, according to general belief, was the act against the “notorious old man” (meaning the murder of Rasputin).
Among such chaotic judgments, gossip and rumors, special attention is drawn to the repeated conversations and rumors everywhere about terror as a phenomenon not of a party nature, but of a general one. In this regard, rumors about the probable possibilities of manifestations of terror are usually associated in progressive social circles with the question of the probable final dissolution of the State Duma. <…>
It should be noted that if the workers came to realize the necessity and feasibility of a general strike and the subsequent revolution, and the circles of the intelligentsia came to believe in the salvific nature of political murders and terror, then this quite clearly shows the oppositional mood of society and its thirst to find one or another way out of the created politically abnormal situation. And this situation is becoming more abnormal and tense every day, and that the masses of the population, not the leaders political parties They don’t see any natural peaceful way out of it - there’s no need to talk about it.
FROM A LETTER OF EMPRESS ALEXANDRA FYODOROVNA TO NICHOLAS II
Strikes and riots in the city are more than provocative.<…>This is a hooligan movement, boys and girls running around and shouting that they have no bread - just to create excitement, and workers who prevent others from working. If the weather had been very cold, they would all probably have stayed indoors. But this will all pass and calm down, if only the Duma behaves well. The worst speeches are not published, but I think that anti-dynastic speeches must be immediately and very severely punished, especially since now is wartime. The strikers must be told directly not to organize strikes, otherwise they will be sent to the front or severely punished.
TELEGRAM S.S. KHABALOVA TO STAKE
I report that on February 23 and 24, due to a shortage of bread, a strike occurred in many factories. On February 24, about 200 thousand workers went on strike and forcibly removed those working. The tram service was stopped by workers. In the middle of the day on February 23 and 24, some of the workers broke through to Nevsky, from where they were dispersed. Today is February 25, the workers’ attempts to penetrate Nevsky are successfully paralyzed. The unit that has broken through is dispersed by the Cossacks. In addition to the Petrograd garrison, five squadrons of the 9th reserve cavalry regiment from Krasnoe Selo, a hundred of the Life Guards of the combined Cossack regiment from Pavlovsk, and five squadrons of the guards reserve cavalry regiment were called to Petrograd to suppress the unrest.
(S.S. Khabalov - Commander of the Petrograd Military District, Lieutenant General)
“NO SLOW DOWN.”
TELEGRAM OF THE CHAIRMAN OF THE STATE DUMA M.V. RODZYANKO TO NICHOLAYIIFEBRUARY 26, 1917
Your Majesty!
The situation is serious. There is anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed. Transport, food and fuel were in complete disarray. Public discontent is growing. There is indiscriminate shooting in the streets. Troop units shoot at each other. It is necessary to immediately entrust a person enjoying the confidence of the country to form a new government. You can't hesitate. Any delay is like death. I pray to God that at this hour the responsibility does not fall on the crown bearer.
“TOMORROW MAY BE ALREADY LATE”
FROM M.V.’S TELEGRAM RODZYANKO TO NICHOLAYII 27 FEBRUARY 1917
The government is completely powerless to suppress the disorder. There is no hope for the garrison troops. The reserve battalions of the guard regiments are in revolt. Officers are being killed. Having joined the crowd and the popular movement, they head to the house of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the State Duma. Civil war has begun and is growing. Order to immediately call new government on the principles I reported to Your Majesty in yesterday’s telegram. Order the legislative chambers to be reconvened to repeal your highest decree. Announce these measures without delay with the highest manifesto. If the movement spreads to the army, the Germans will triumph and the collapse of Russia, and with it the dynasty, is inevitable. On behalf of all of Russia, I ask Your Majesty to fulfill the above. The hour that decides your fate and the fate of your homeland has come. Tomorrow may be too late.
RODZYANKO ABOUT HIS POSITION IN FEBRUARY 1917
In 1919, the former chairman of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma wrote: “Of course, the State Duma could refuse to lead the revolution, but we must not forget the complete absence of power that has been created and the fact that if the Duma were to be eliminated, complete anarchy would immediately set in and the fatherland would perish immediately. .. The Duma had to be protected, at least as a fetish for power, which would still play its role in difficult times.”
TELEGRAM S.S. KHABALOV IN THE NAME OF M.V. ALEXEEVA
Please report it to the imperial majesty, that he could not fulfill the order to restore order in the capital. Most of the units, one after another, betrayed their duty and refused to fight against the rebels. Others fraternized with the rebels and turned their weapons against the troops loyal to His Majesty. Those who remained faithful to their duty fought against the rebels all day, suffering heavy losses. By evening, the rebels captured most of the capital. Small units of various regiments gathered at the Winter Palace under the command of Major General Zankevich remain faithful to the oath, with whom I will continue to fight.
(M.V. Alekseev - Chief of Staff of the Headquarters Supreme Commander, Adjutant General of the General Staff, General of Infantry)
FIRST SOLDIER OF THE REVOLUTION
The senior sergeant major of the Volyn Regiment training team, Timofey Kirpichnikov, on February 27, 1917, at 5 o’clock in the morning, raised the soldiers subordinate to him, fed, armed and lined up before the arrival of his superiors. The day before, their commander, Staff Captain Lashkevich, led the team into the city to shoot at unarmed demonstrators who were outraged by the lack of bread in stores; At the same time, Lashkevich personally killed several dozen civilians. At night, Timofey Kirpichnikov persuaded his assistants, the “platoon leaders,” to refuse to participate in the executions of Petrograd residents. Arriving at the unit's location, the officer argued with his subordinates; as a result, he tried to escape and was shot.
The rebel training team, arms in hand, moved towards the reserve battalion of their regiment and carried it along with them. Then Timofey Kirpichnikov led the soldiers further - to raise the neighboring regiments. Overcoming the resistance of sentries and officers, they were able to bring many thousands of armed people onto the streets within a few hours. At some point, Kirpichnikov himself ceased to control the actions of the crowd, which randomly opened fire, stormed objects occupied by the gendarmerie, and ultimately prompted government agencies, including the government, curtail their activities, and later completely flee.
Thanks to the abilities of Timofey Kirpichnikov, the riots organized with the participation of the Chief of Staff of the Headquarters M.V. Alekseev, commander of the troops of the Petrograd Military District S.S. Khabalov and other high-ranking officials were beyond the control of any government authorities.
Deputies of the State Duma tried to form a new government, activists of the left parties began to create Soviets - they called for sending representatives from every part and from every thousand workers to elect the Executive Committee. In parallel, A.I. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin, with the support of the highest generals, forced Nicholas II to abdicate the throne. The power in the country was weakening more and more (especially after order No. 1, which contributed to the collapse of the army). This did not prevent the new commander of the Petrograd Military District L.G. Kornilov from presenting the award to Kirpichnikov - the St. George Cross of the 4th degree. The hero of February was also promoted to lieutenant.
The leaders of extremist political organizations gathered in Petrograd and were already trying to take power into their own hands - the “April crisis” arose. At the same time, Timofey Kirpichnikov stood up for the Provisional Government. He again brought an armed demonstration into the streets, which paralyzed the actions of the revolutionaries. In April they had to abandon their plans.
After October 25, 1917, when P.N. Krasnov advanced on Petrograd, captured by the Bolsheviks, Kirpichnikov tried to repeat his signature move with a revolt of the garrison soldiers. However, the uprising of the cadet schools did not evoke responses among the soldiers - the plan failed.
In November, Kirpichnikov was able to escape from the capital to the Don. He arrived to A.P. Kutepov, who was in Petrograd on vacation in February and tried in vain to restore order (the soldiers assigned to him fled) while Kirpichnikov was destroying it. A very short conversation took place between the two heroes, recorded by A.P. Kutepov in his memoirs: “One day a young officer came to my headquarters and very cheekily told me that he had come to the Volunteer Army to fight the Bolsheviks “for the freedom of the people,” which the Bolsheviks were trampling on. I asked him where he had been until now and what he had been doing, the officer told me that he was one of the first “fighters for the freedom of the people” and that in Petrograd he took an active part in the revolution, being one of the first to oppose the old regime. When the officer wanted to leave, I ordered him to stay and, calling the officer on duty, sent for a squad. The young officer became agitated, turned pale and began asking why I was detaining him. Now you will see, I said, and when the squad arrived, I ordered that this “freedom fighter” be immediately shot.
ORDER No. 1
PETROGRAD COUNCIL OF WORKERS' AND SOLDIERS' DEPUTIES FOR THE GARRISON OF THE PETROGRAD DISTRICT
Order No. 1. March 1, 1917 To the garrison of the Petrograd district to all soldiers of the guard, army, artillery and navy for immediate and precise execution, and to the workers of Petrograd for information.
The Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies decided:
1) In all companies, battalions, regiments, parks, batteries, squadrons and individual services of various types of military departments and on naval vessels, immediately select committees from elected representatives from the lower ranks of the above military units.
2) In all military units that have not yet elected their representatives to the Council of Workers' Deputies, elect one representative from each company, who will present themselves with written certificates to the State Duma building by 10 a.m. on March 2.
3) In all its political speeches, the military unit is subordinate to the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and its committees.
4) Orders of the military commission of the State Duma should be executed, except in cases where they contradict the orders and resolutions of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.
5) All kinds of weapons, such as rifles, machine guns, armored vehicles, etc., must be at the disposal and under the control of company and battalion committees and in no case be issued to officers, even at their request.
6) In the ranks and during the performance of official duties, soldiers must observe the strictest military discipline, but outside of service and formation in their political, civil and private life, soldiers cannot in any way be diminished in those rights that all citizens enjoy. In particular, standing in front and the mandatory salutation outside of duty are abolished.
7) The titles of officers are likewise abolished: Your Excellency, Honor, etc., and replaced by the address: Mr. General, Mr. Colonel, etc.
Rough treatment of soldiers of all military ranks and, in particular, addressing them as “you” is prohibited, and any violation of this, as well as all misunderstandings between officers and soldiers, are obliged to bring to the attention of the company committees.
This order should be read in all companies, battalions, regiments, crews, batteries and other combatant and non-combatant commands.
Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies
DECLARATION OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT
Citizens!
The temporary committee of members of the State Duma, with the assistance and sympathy of the capital's troops and population, has now achieved such a degree of success over the dark forces of the old regime that it allows it to begin a more durable structure of executive power.
For this purpose, the Temporary Committee of the State Duma appoints the following persons as ministers of the first public cabinet, in whom the country’s trust is ensured by their past public and political activity.
Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Internal Affairs, Prince G.E. Lviv.
Minister of Foreign Affairs P.N. Miliukov.
Minister of Military and Naval A.I. Guchkov.
Minister of Railways N.V. Nekrasov.
Minister of Trade and Industry A.I. Konovalov.
Minister of Public Education A.A. Manuilov.
Minister of Finance M.I. Tereshchenko.
Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod V.N. Lviv.
Minister of Agriculture A.I. Shingarev.
Minister of Justice A.F. Kerensky.
State Comptroller I.V. Godnev.
Minister for Finnish Affairs F.I. Rodichev.
In its present activities, the cabinet will be guided by the following principles:
1. Complete and immediate amnesty for all political and religious cases, including terrorist attacks, military uprisings and agrarian crimes, etc.
2. Freedom of speech, press, unions, meetings and strikes, with the extension of political freedoms to military personnel within the limits permitted by military-technical conditions.
3. Abolition of all class, religious and national restrictions.
4. Immediate preparation for convening on the basis of universal, equal, secret and direct voting Constituent Assembly, which will establish the form of government and constitution of the country.
5. Replacement of the police with a people's militia with elected authorities, subordinate bodies local government.
6. Elections to local government bodies on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret voting.
7. Non-disarmament and non-withdrawal from Petrograd of military units that took part in revolutionary movement.
8. While maintaining strict military discipline in the ranks and during military service, the elimination for soldiers of all restrictions on the use of public rights granted to all other citizens. The Provisional Government considers it its duty to add that it does not at all intend to take advantage of military circumstances for any delay in the implementation of the above reforms and measures.
Chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko.
Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Prince. G.E.Lvov.
Ministers: P.N.Milyukov, N.V.Nekrasov, A.N.Konovalov, A.A.Manuylov, M.I.Tereshchenko, Vl.N.Lvov, A.I.Shingarev, A.F.Kerensky.
ABOUT THE REFUSAL OF THE GRAND DUKE MICHAEL ALEXANDROVICH
FROM THE PERCEPTION OF SUPREME POWER TILL THE ESTABLISHMENT
IN THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY OF THE BOARD AND NEW
BASIC LAWS OF THE RUSSIAN STATE
A heavy burden has been placed on me by the will of my brother, who handed over to me the imperial all-Russian throne in a time of unprecedented war and popular unrest. Inspired by the common thought with all the people that the good of our Motherland is above all, I made a firm decision in that case to assume supreme power if such is the will of our great people, who must establish a form of government and new fundamental laws by popular vote through their representatives in the Constituent Assembly Russian state.
Therefore, calling on God’s blessing, I ask all citizens of the Russian state to submit to the Provisional Government, which arose at the initiative of the State Duma and was invested with full power, until such time as it is possible to convene
In the shortest possible time, on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret suffrage, the Constituent Assembly will express the will of the people with its decision on the form of government.
Declaration of the Provisional Government on its composition and tasks
Citizens!
The temporary committee of members of the State Duma, with the assistance and sympathy of the capital's troops and population, has now achieved such a degree of success over the dark forces of the old regime that it allows it to begin a more durable structure of executive power.
For this purpose, the Temporary Committee of the State Duma appoints the following persons as ministers of the first public cabinet, in whom the country's trust is ensured by their past social and political activities.
Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Internal Affairs, Prince G. E. Lvov.
Minister of Foreign Affairs P. N. Milyukov.
Minister of Military and Naval A. I. Guchkov.
Minister of Railways N.V. Nekrasov.
Minister of Trade and Industry A. I. Konovalov.
Minister of Public Education A. A. Manuylov.
Minister of Finance M. I. Tereshchenko.
Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod V. N. Lvov.
Minister of Agriculture A.I.Shingaryov.
Minister of Justice A.F. Kerensky.
State Comptroller I. V. Godnev.
Minister for Finnish Affairs F. I. Rodichev.
In its present activities, the cabinet will be guided by the following principles:
1. Complete and immediate amnesty for all political and religious cases, including terrorist attacks, military uprisings and agrarian crimes, etc.
2. Freedom of speech, press, unions, meetings and strikes, with the extension of political freedoms to military personnel within the limits permitted by military-technical conditions.
3. Abolition of all class, religious and national restrictions.
4. Immediate preparation for the convening of a Constituent Assembly on the basis of universal, equal, secret and direct voting, which will establish the form of government and constitution of the country.
5. Replacement of the police with a people's militia with elected authorities subordinate to local governments.
6. Elections to local government bodies on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret voting.
7. Non-disarmament and non-withdrawal from Petrograd of military units that took part in the revolutionary movement.
8. While maintaining strict military discipline in the ranks and during military service, the elimination for soldiers of all restrictions on the use of public rights granted to all other citizens. The Provisional Government considers it its duty to add that it does not at all intend to take advantage of military circumstances for any delay in the implementation of the above reforms and measures.
Chairman of the State Duma M. V. Rodzianko.
Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Prince. G. E. Lvov.
Ministers: P. N. Milyukov, N. V. Nekrasov, A. N. Konovalov, A. A. Manuilov, M. I. Tereshchenko, Vl. N. Lvov, A. I. Shingarev, A. F. Kerensky.
Formation of Soviets throughout Russia
Elections to the Council were held in Ivanovo-Voznesenka workers' deputies in factories. At the call of the Bolsheviks, the workers went to the barracks and invited the soldiers to also elect their deputies to the Council. 12 deputies were elected from the soldiers. In Ivanovo-Voznesensk, known for its revolutionary traditions (it was there that the Soviets were born during the revolution of 1905), the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was dominated by Bolsheviks from the very beginning, unlike most other cities, where the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks initially had a majority .
Central Committee of the RSDLP(b), taking into account the resolution on the Provisional Government, adopted by the Council R. and S.D. decided: not to oppose the power of the Provisional Government insofar as its actions correspond to the interests of the proletariat and the broad democratic masses of the people and to announce their decision to wage the most merciless struggle against any attempts by the Provisional Government to restore the monarchy in any form way of government.
At general meetings printers and woodworkers, where elections to the St. Petersburg Council took place, a resolution was adopted expressing confidence only in the Council. The meeting asked the Council to vigilantly monitor the activities of the Provisional Government, for which purpose to form a staff of propagandists and representatives to explain current events to the people. If the Provisional Government fails to fulfill these promises, call on workers and soldiers to fight against it.
During the day in Moscow There was a rally on Teatralnaya Square, to which some of the demonstrators came with “Down with the war” posters. In the Zamoskvoretsky district, at a rally of workers, soldiers and students, in the presence of 2,000 people, a resolution was adopted that ended with the words: “Long live the Constituent Assembly, long live the 3rd International, long live the RSDLP.”
Trudovik group issued an appeal, and the Moscow conference of the Socialist Revolutionary Party adopted a resolution - both documents call for support for the Provisional Government.
A temporary organizing committee of the Council of Soldiers' Deputies arose in Moscow. The organization of the committee was reported to the military units, which began electing soldiers' deputies - one per company. The Committee unanimously decided to work together with the Council of Workers' Deputies. The new commander of the Moscow Military District, Lieutenant Colonel Gruzinov, after negotiations with the Council of Workers and the Organizing Committee of Soldiers' Deputies, issued an order giving soldiers the right to elect their representatives to public organizations.
A number of provincial cities joined the revolution. A revolutionary committee of workers and soldiers was formed in Sestroretsk, which organized rallies and organized a people's militia and a food commission. In Yamburg, elections of delegates to the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies were held. In Kineshma (Kostroma province), a rally of 15 thousand people took place, convened by the union of cooperatives. The Council of Workers' Deputies was elected and organized by the Revolutionary Committee. In Rodniki (Kostroma province), workers of the Krasilshchikov factory, among 6,000 people, swore allegiance to the new government and expect from it a full constitution, amnesty, universal suffrage, freedom of speech, conscience and assembly. (N. Avdeev. “Revolution of 1917. Chronicle of events”)
Dear A.M.!
We have now received the second government telegrams about revolution 1(4) in St. Petersburg. A week of bloody battles between workers and Milyukov+Guchkov+Kerensky in power!! According to the “old” European template...
Well then! This “first stage of the first (of the war-generated) revolution” will not be the last, nor will it be only Russian. Of course, we will remain... against the imperialist carnage led by Shingaryov + Kerensky and Co.
All our slogans are the same. In the last issue of Sotsial-Demokrat we spoke directly about the possibility of a government of “Milyukov with Guchkov, if not Milyukov with Kerensky.” It turned out to be both: all three together. Nice! Let's see, somehow the People's Freedom Party... will give the people freedom, bread, peace..."
Admiral Nepenin to Admiral Rusin
“There is a riot on “Andrey”, “Pavel” and “Slava”. Admiral Nebolsin is killed. The Baltic Fleet does not exist as a military force now. What can I do? Addition. Riot on almost all ships" ( N. Starilov. "CHRONICLES OF RED OCTOBER")
Chronicle of revolutionary events in Primorye
The news of Nicholas II's abdication of the throne arrived in Vladivostok at night with great delay due to a telegraph breakdown. The morning in Vladivostok turned out to be inhospitable. Wet snow fell and quickly melted. The lingering beeps of the workshops of the military port, ships of the Voluntary Fleet, car assembly workshops and the power plant called the workers to a rally. At 8:30 a.m. a meeting of workers took place in the square in front of the mechanical workshops. The port captain read the telegram about the Tsar's abdication. The workers adopted a resolution in support of revolutionary Petrograd.
At 12 o'clock, intellectuals, commoners, townsfolk, housewives and students came to the monument to Admiral Gennady Nevelsky on Svetlanskaya. Workers, sailors and soldiers lined up in columns with red bows and armbands to the sounds of a military orchestra. After the meeting, workers in the military port workshops and merchant sailors, armed soldiers and sailors, headed towards the prison. “Freedom for the prisoners of tsarism!”, “Long live the revolution!” – these exclamations made the jailers tremble. Under the pressure of the crowd, they were forced to open the gates, and a stream of people rushed into the prison yard. Revolutionary workers smashed cell doors and freed political prisoners one by one.
The Vladivostok City Duma immediately met. The executive body of the Duma, the Committee of Public Security (CPS), was elected. KOB on behalf of the City Duma adopted the appeal:
“The greatest event in the life of the Russian people has happened. The sun of freedom, truth and justice rises over a liberated Russia. The government that oppressed the people for centuries has passed into eternity.”
The military governor appeared at the KOB and reported:
“I act in solidarity with the City Duma and await orders from the Provisional Government.”
The district court and the prosecutor's office stated:
We welcome the Provisional Government and, at the dawn of the court of the people's conscience and the free prosecutor's office, we testify to our full readiness to serve with all our might for the glory and good of our dear Motherland.
Eleanor Prey, the wife of a businessman, an American who lived in Vladivostok, wrote hot on the heels of the events:
The telegram was published yesterday at the end of the day, and the Aleutskaya area around the editorial office of the Far Outskirts was crowded with people awaiting the release of the leaflet. I was so tired when I got home that I lay down for a couple of hours without undressing, and while I was sleeping, Ted came in and stuck a large sheet of paper with a telegram on the mirror.
The mood of the day is conveyed by the poem “Fighters for the Motherland” by the Vladivostok writer N.P. Matveev (Amursky):
Brothers! Let us build a sublime temple
To the forces calling for Freedom.
Eternal memory to the fallen fighters!
Eternal glory to the living!…
Gone forever, gone forever
Terrible menacing years
And over the expanse of our native land
The sun is shining of Freedom...
Reference:
Matveev Nikolai Petrovich. Hereditary worker, son of a model maker at a shipyard. He graduated from the Personnel School of the Vladivostok Port and began working as a craftsman in the foundry workshop of the military port. Subsequently, a professional writer, poet, journalist, publisher, local historian, owner of a printing house. During the years of the First Russian Revolution - a social democrat. In 1906 he was arrested for revolutionary publications, served a year in prison, and after his release he retired from active political activity. In March 1919 he emigrated to Japan.
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Still not found. External criticism of the original of the declaration of the Provisional Government of March 3 is therefore impossible. But the published text itself and the memoirs of the direct authors of the declaration provide sufficient material for source study.
Circumstances February Revolution led to the fact that in the Tauride Palace - the seat of the State Duma - a center of the revolutionary workers' and soldiers' masses, the Petrograd Soviet, arose in person. By the evening of February 27, the Temporary Committee of State Duma Members was operating on the right roof of the Tauride Palace, and the Temporary Executive Committee of the Council of Workers' Deputies was operating on the left roof. Each of these organizations set its own goals and tried to use the rapidly developing popular movement for its own purposes. The Duma Committee, composed mainly of members of the Presidium of the Progressive Bloc from a number of factions of the State Duma, fought for the implementation of the program of this bloc. Moreover, the growing nature of the movement made it possible to hope for maximum satisfaction of the demands of the bloc: the creation of a government from its leaders, the introduction of a constitutional monarchy with the removal of Nicholas II from supreme power, the proclamation of the minor Alexei Nikolaevich as emperor and the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich as regent. In the area domestic policy it was supposed to fulfill the requirements of the Progressive Bloc program: hold an amnesty for political and religious crimes, abolish national restrictions, carry out local government reforms, expand the rights of zemstvos and city dumas. The leaders of the Progressive Bloc had been fighting for this program for over a year and a half; at first they intended to achieve its implementation through a deal with the tsarist government (July - August 1915), and then hoped to wrest it out through organized public pressure on the authorities.
Thus, both the program of the future cabinet and its composition were planned many months and weeks before the February coup. We must add to this that the possibility of a popular, spontaneous revolution was well recognized by the leaders of the Progressive Bloc and radical circles of the bourgeoisie. The revolution was predicted with great accuracy, and yet its actual beginning was unexpected for the bourgeois leaders, and the very course of the revolution from the first day confused many of the carefully worked out plans.
The main surprise was the organization of the Council of Workers' Deputies, and even here, in the Tauride Palace, in the closest proximity to the State Duma. Those leaders of the bourgeois opposition who had the opportunity to come into close contact with the workers understood that the organizations on which the bourgeoisie relies in its struggle for power - the State Duma, the Zemsky and City Unions, the Military-Industrial Committees - cover only a small layer qualification, bourgeois public and partly radical intelligentsia. The main anti-government force, the working class, is located outside these organizations. Attempts to influence the workers through the Military-Industrial Committees were not particularly successful, since the majority of the workers did not support the Menshevik defenseists like Gvozdev and Broido, who headed the working group of the Central Military-Industrial Committee. Therefore, in the spring of 1916 A.I. Konovalov, deputy chairman of the Central Military Commission, put forward the idea of an all-Russian workers' congress, which would create a Council of Workers' Deputies or a union of workers' deputies under bourgeois influence. The tsarist government prohibited the convening of such a congress. And although individual conspiratorial connections between the leaders of the liberal opposition and representatives of the revolutionary parties were established and maintained, the opposition as a whole abandoned attempts to extend its influence to the workers.
And in the army, the Progressive Bloc had supporters primarily among officers, while revolutionaries carried out intensive work among the soldiers. And in the plans for a military coup, which were developed by the circle of A.I. Guchkov, it was specifically discussed how to carry it out, isolating the masses of soldiers from direct action.
That is why the workers and soldiers were presented to the Duma Committee as two elements, menacing and anarchic, whose movement should be brought into the strict framework of laws as soon as possible. Instead, a center arose in the State Duma from representatives of revolutionary parties, who laid claim to the leadership of these very masses of workers and soldiers and took up their special organization. And despite the fact that the goals of the Menshevik leaders of the Council of Workers' Deputies did not go further than an ordinary bourgeois-democratic republic, they still significantly diverged from the goals of the leaders of the Progressive Bloc. In its first appeal to the population of Petrograd, the Council stated that the goal of the struggle was “people's rule” and the creation of “their own power organization” of the people. The Council called: “All together, with common forces, we will fight for the complete elimination of the old government and the convening of a Constituent Assembly elected on the basis of universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage.”
This could not please the members of the Duma Committee, since this document unambiguously proclaimed an application for the introduction of a republican form of government in the country. Meanwhile, there have not yet been direct contacts between the Council and the Committee, except for the special position of A.F. Kerensky, invited to the Council for the position of deputy chairman. At the meetings of the Council, especially at the evening general meeting on February 28, 1917, a very critical mood towards the Provisional Committee of the State Duma was revealed. Members of the Council were inspired by their real power, demanded to “dictate terms to the Duma Committee”, called the Committee a “gang of politicians” who wanted to take advantage of the blood shed by the people, demanded the arrest of the Chairman of the Duma M.V. Rodzianko. In any case, the desire was definitely stated to “appear before the Provisional Committee of the State Duma” with their demands.
For its part, the Provisional Committee could no longer ignore the Council, since their representatives constantly clashed with each other, and dual power became an accomplished fact. Therefore, when compiling a possible list of ministers, proposals were made: A.F. Kerensky, a fellow chairman of the Council, will take the post of Minister of Justice, and N.S. Chkheidze, the Chairman of the Council, will take the post of Minister of Labor. It must be said that the tsarist government [did not have] a Ministry of Labor, but the possibility of its formation when a “government of trust” from the leaders of the progressive bloc came to power was considered even before the revolution. So, at a meeting with E.D. Kuskova on April 6, 1916, the list prepared for discussion at the Cadet Party Congress included the Ministry of Labor, the head of which [was] the “non-party leftist” L.I. Lutugin. The Cadets assumed that in order to satisfy the demands of the “socialists” and to tame them, the creation of such a ministry would be advisable.
If it were possible to get the chairman of the Council of Workers' Deputies into the government, then the Council itself would no longer be so terrible for the bourgeoisie. But N.S. Chkheidze immediately refused this offer. Kerensky, seeing in this the satisfaction of his ambitious plans, decided to agree and therefore began to train individual members of the Executive Committee of the Council in the spirit desired by him and the Duma Committee.
On the morning of March 1, 1917, the Executive Committee of the Council decided to discuss the issue of attitude to the question of power and the formation of a government, as well as the requirements or conditions for the Duma Committee. The mood of the majority of the members of the Executive Committee was expressed by N. Sukhanov, who said that “it was necessary to put the licensing authority in conditions in which it would be tame.” In the Committee itself, and in the camp of revolutionary democracy, there were three currents at that moment. The first, represented by the Bolsheviks and some left Socialist Revolutionaries, demanded not to recognize the power of the bourgeoisie and to fight for the creation of a Provisional Revolutionary Government by the Council. The second, from the right-wing Menshevik-defencists, called for the transfer of power to the bourgeoisie without any conditions and the support of this power. Finally, the third, to which the majority adhered, believed that in connection with the bourgeois character of the revolution that Russia was experiencing, power, of course, should be constituted by the bourgeoisie, but at the same time it was necessary to put forward such conditions that would make it possible to bring the bourgeois-democracy to the end -tic revolution and implement the minimum programs of the Social Democrats and Socialist Revolutionaries. The Mensheviks from the Executive Committee considered themselves very cunning and believed that the bourgeoisie needed to be “forced” to take power, and this could be done by appearing very accommodating to them and not making demands that could “scare” the bourgeoisie. “We should not take away the hope of winning this fight from the bourgeoisie,” Sukhanov explained this plan in his memoirs.
“What specific conditions for the transfer of power,” he recalled, “could create this kind of status necessary for revolution and democracy? That is, on what specific conditions should power be handed over to the Miliukov government? In essence, I considered one such condition: “ensuring complete political freedom in the country, absolute freedom of organization and agitation.” On the other hand, this condition could not but be accepted by the opposing party. Any other demands, undoubtedly less substantive, could “frustrate the combination”! Many of them Miliukov and Co. could not agree to in the face of their class, group personal position, in the face public opinion Europe. But they could not help but accept this demand - not to encroach on the principles of freedom - if they were at all ready to accept power in these circumstances with the permission of Soviet democracy."
Sukhanov also formulated two other demands or conditions: amnesty and the speedy convening of the Constituent Assembly. “These three conditions: a declaration of complete political freedom, an amnesty and immediate measures to convene a Constituent Assembly - seemed to me to be absolutely necessary, but at the same time exhaustive tasks of democracy when transferring government functions into the hands of the qualified bourgeoisie. Everything else will follow,” concluded Sukhanov.
The discussion of the issue of power began at about 12 o'clock in the afternoon in the 13th room of the Tauride Palace, but was soon interrupted due to the “Rodzianko incident”, his attempt to go to the Tsar when he was unable to get a train due to opposition from So -vet of workers' and soldiers' deputies. At the general meeting of the Council on March 1, where this incident was discussed, N.D. Sokolov, whom, as Sukhanov points out, he had already won over to his side, called for moderation towards the Cadets in order to complete the fight against tsarism. But even here, in the debate, the fierce intensity of the struggle and sharp anti-officer sentiments were revealed. F. Linde, for example, stated: “We have achieved some freedoms with blood, we will not allow ourselves to be bypassed. They will give me the minimum, we want the most.”
At six o'clock in the evening the debate on the organization of power resumed in the Executive Committee. Sukhanov expressed his points. They were recorded by Yu.M. Glasses on a separate sheet of paper. Here the demands were supplemented by representatives of soldiers' deputies, so that political freedoms would be extended to soldiers, so that the troops of the Petrograd garrison, who took part in the revolutionary movement, would not be withdrawn from Petrograd. Of particular importance was the inclusion in the text of the requirement that the government “not take any other steps that prejudge the future form of government.” By including this clause, the leaders of the Council intended to use it to promote the republican form of government.
The Executive Committee rejected the proposal of the Duma Committee to send its representatives to the government, and the question of the personnel of the future ministry was left entirely to the discretion of the “bourgeoisie”. By 12 o'clock in the morning on March 2, the text of the conditions had been worked out and a delegation consisting of Chkhei-dze, Sokolov, Sukhanov, Steklov and Filippovsky had been [elected]. Steklov carried the text of the conditions, written on a separate piece of paper, with him.
The delegation moved to the right roof of the Tauride Palace and announced its desire to enter into negotiations with the Provisional Committee of the State Duma. The committee agreed and negotiations began. Steklov made a report on the contents of the conditions of the Petrograd Soviet, after which “Miliukov asked to give him the paper where our program was outlined and, rewriting it, made his comments.”
What did P.N. see before him? Miliukov? As far as can be judged from the published text of the declaration of the Provisional Government of March 3, the memoirs of Sukhanov and Miliukov himself, as well as other sources, the initial draft that was brought by Steklov was not very different from the final text. It had eight points. The first demanded a complete and immediate amnesty for political and religious matters. The second demanded freedom of speech, press, unions, assembly and strikes, with political freedoms extended to military personnel. The third paragraph spoke of the abolition of all class, religious and national restrictions. The fourth point was devoted to the speedy convening of the Constituent Assembly and contained a statement that “the question of the form of government remains open” (Milyukov’s formulation). The fifth point required replacing the police with a people's militia with an elected leadership. The sixth point contained a demand for re-election of local governments on the basis of universal suffrage. The seventh stipulated the rights of the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison to not withdraw units that took part in the revolution from Petrograd. And finally, the last point again talked about providing everyone civil rights soldiers and contained a requirement for the election of command personnel in the army.
Miliukov was very pleased with the modesty of these demands, which did not affect social issues at all and for the most part repeated the program of the Progressive Bloc! It is impossible to read Sukhanov’s self-satisfied remarks without a smile: “Amnesty, of course, goes without saying.” Miliukov, without actively taking a single step and only yielding, did not consider it decent to argue against the amnesty and endured it to the end, not very willingly, but quite obediently writing down: “for all crimes: agrarian, military, terrorist.” The same thing happened with the second point - political freedoms, the abolition of class, religious restrictions, etc. “They demanded from Miliukov, and he gave in.” Naive "cunning" people! They “demanded” from Miliukov what was written in the program of his party, which he should have put into practice anyway. Moreover, they demanded from the “bourgeoisie” what its representatives had demanded from the tsarist government just yesterday.
Here is the text of the “Program of the Ministry of Public Trust” written by Miliukov in mid-August 1915: “1. Amnesty for persons convicted of political and religious crimes, return of the Social-Democrats. deputies. 2. A radical change in management techniques, including the abolition of national restrictions. 3. Legislative program for organizing the country for victory. 4. Measures to maintain social peace."
And although some of these demands were curtailed in the program of the Progressive Bloc, Miliukov’s own views did not change from this. As for the program of the Cadet Party, a special section of eight points was devoted to the rights of citizens. Even the Octobrist program declared civil liberties and the abolition of restrictions.
It is not surprising, therefore, that the “inferior” Miliukov assessed the project presented to him as follows:
“With the exception of clause 7, which was obviously temporary in nature, and the application of the beginning of the election to the police command in clause 5, everything else in this draft (Milyukov means its second edition, which will be discussed below) was not only was entirely acceptable or was susceptible to an acceptable interpretation, but also directly followed from the newly formed government’s own views on its tasks. On the other hand, it should be noted that there was nothing here that was subsequently introduced by the socialist parties into the understanding of the tasks of the revolutionary government, and that served as the subject of long debates and repeated breaks between the socialist and non-socialist part of the coalition cabinets of the following compositions.”
This assessment of the Soviet conditions as very acceptable remained with Miliukov for many years. In his memoirs, he also wrote about the delegation of the Executive Committee:
"They brought and ready text these conditions, which were to be published on behalf of the government. For the left side of the block, most These conditions were quite acceptable, since they were part of her own program. This included: all civil liberties, the abolition of all class, religious and national restrictions, the convening of a Constituent Assembly that would establish the form of government, elections to self-government bodies on the basis of universal suffrage, and a complete amnesty. But there were also points of significant disagreement, over which a lengthy dispute ensued, ending in agreement only at four o’clock in the morning.”
On what issues did the dispute take place and what was agreed upon as a result? The first point that caused disagreement was the fourth, about the future form of government. Miliukov refused to bind the government with a promise not to do “anything that would predetermine the future form of government” (Sukhanov’s edition). Let us recall that the position of the majority of the Duma Committee was to achieve the abdication of Nicholas II in favor of his son and appoint Mikhail Aleksandrovich as regent, i.e., to preserve the constitutional monarchy. Let us also recall that no steps had yet been taken to induce Nicholas II and the situation in this sense was not yet clear. After much debate, the following wording was agreed upon: “Immediate preparations for convening<...>The Constituent Assembly, which will establish the form of government and constitution of the country."
The results of the remaining disputes are reflected in Miliukov’s memoirs:
“They also agreed to remove the requirement that officers be elected. I limited the exercise of “civil liberties” by soldiers to “the limits permitted by military-technical conditions” and defended “the preservation of strict military discipline in the ranks and during military service,” while introducing equality among soldiers “in the enjoyment of public rights.” But I could not object to the non-disarmament and non-withdrawal from Petrograd of the military units that took part in the “revolutionary movement” and had just ensured our victory. After all, it was unknown at that moment whether they would have to fight further with the “faithful” units sent to the capital.”
So, Miliukov was very pleased with the results of the negotiations and believed that he had achieved a lot. Sukhanov was also pleased: the trick was a success, the government agreed to take power on these conditions, “he read the entire program to the end, accepting elections to municipalities, the abolition of the police, and the Constituent Assembly with its true name and all the appropriate attributes.” And Miliukov consoled himself with these words: “We were generously granted a reprieve, and the whole question was for us how to take advantage of it. I myself shared this opinion about the psychology of all revolutions. I just didn’t intend to fold my arms while waiting for the next stage to come.” So, the leaders of the Council did not alienate the bourgeoisie, did not “frighten them with exorbitant demands.” On the contrary, they even instilled in Miliukov the illusion that the bourgeoisie would be able to win this struggle.
But then, at 4 o’clock in the morning on March 2, 1917, the agreement was not yet destined to take place. Although the members of the Council delegation left the right wing of the Tauride Palace in full confidence that an agreement had already been concluded, in their absence events occurred that effectively suspended the progress of the negotiations. A.I. arrived at the meeting of the State Duma Committee. Guchkov began to sharply criticize the draft government declaration. “I remember that I objected to some issues relating to the army and the death penalty,” Guchkov said during interrogation at the Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry exactly five months after the events described. On the death penalty, neither in the conditions developed by the Council, nor in the objections of P.N. Miliukov was not mentioned. Perhaps A.I. Guchkov was confused, but maybe he proposed introducing or maintaining the death penalty at the front? But the question of the army, that is, the rights of soldiers, was indeed discussed and, as mentioned above, was included in the draft declaration. Guchkov was the chairman of the Military Commission of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, was closely confronted with the situation in the troops of the Petrograd garrison, and saw all the hatred of soldiers for officers, which had already manifested itself in a number of murders. And everywhere he saw the enormous authority of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. And here, it turns out, it is still necessary to agree with this Council on the program and the personal composition of the government: “It was a surprise to me that when creating this new combination, a third factor appeared - the Executive Committee of R. and S. Deputies.” The situation seemed “hopeless” to Guchkov.
Therefore, he sharply opposed the project agreed with the Council, and as a result of this, the State Duma Committee as a whole decided to consider the issue of the agreement and the text of the program open.
As can be seen from Sukhanov’s memoirs, Kerensky briefly told him about this fact, however, apparently, the members of the Executive Committee did not get the impression that the negotiations had broken down. Moreover, on the morning of March 2, at the insistence of M.V. Rodzianko Miliukov began to invite members of the Executive Committee to continue working on the development of a government statement.
Soon the general meeting of the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies began its work, at which Yu.M. made a report on negotiations with the Provisional Committee of the State Duma. Steklov. He characterized the Committee’s acceptance of the terms of the Petrograd Soviet as a “colossal historical achievement” and stated that the delegation of the executive committee managed to “bind these people with a solemn declaration.” Thus, the self-deception in which the members of the delegation found themselves, imagining that they were setting impossible conditions for the “bourgeoisie,” continued. Those reforms that the members of the Provisional Government were going to carry out anyway, faithful to their party program, were portrayed by the Menshevik leaders of the Council as concessions wrested from “these people.” Steklov then listed the points of the declaration, accompanying them with his comments. They also emphasized the role of the Council, whose representatives imposed their will on the censors. Steklov stated that the delegation was confident that the Committee would reject the idea of convening a Constituent Assembly and the demand for universal suffrage. But “nobody objected except Shulgin.” And although Steklov was forced to say that “they” rejected the demand for a democratic republic, he noted that “what we achieved is not the maximum. These are the smallest gains” and we must continue to fight for all further demands. This insistence stemmed from a firm awareness of the real strength of the Council and the weakness of the Provisional Committee of the Council, which was expressed in these words: three-quarters of the soldiers are “ours”, one quarter are “theirs”.
All party trends in the Council were reflected in the debate. The Bolsheviks criticized the delegation and demanded the creation of a Provisional Revolutionary Government. Critics on the left also suggested insisting on including a minimum program of social democracy in the declaration of demands. Although some deputies condemned Kerensky for his agreement to join the Provisional Government - the latter had just, despite the opposition of the executive committee, received a vote of confidence to join the ministry directly from the majority of members of the Council - other voices were also heard: that half of the seats in the government should belong to representatives -lyam of the Council. Sharp condemnations were heard against Miliukov and the “Guchkov anti-people circles.” But in the end, an overwhelming majority against 14 votes approved the line of conduct of the delegation of the Executive Committee of the Council and the conditions it proposed.
The Council decided to require the inclusion in the government declaration of a special clause stating that the government should not refer to wartime conditions and delay in implementing the forms listed in the declaration. And the offensive spirit manifested in Steklov’s report, and the demand to supplement the declaration, as well as decision made to seek to place under the declaration the signatures of all ministers of the Provisional Government and the Chairman of the State Duma - all this put the delegation in front of the need to take a tougher position in the new negotiations.
Miliukov also encountered this increased pressure on the organizing government when, on the afternoon of March 2, he spoke at a huge impromptu meeting in the Tauride Palace. “Three days ago we were in modest opposition, and the Russian government seemed omnipotent,” he said. “Now this government has collapsed into the mud with which it became familiar, and we and our friends on the left have been nominated by the revolution, the army and the people to the place of honor as members of the first Russian public cabinet.” If these words were covered with “noisy, prolonged applause,” then indignant cries soon began. “Who chose you?” - they asked Miliukov, and to his words that Prince Lvov represents the organized Russian public, they objected - “qualified!” He said the following about the program: “I very much regret that in response to this question I cannot read you the piece of paper on which this program is outlined. But the fact is that the only copy of the program, discussed yesterday at a long night meeting with representatives of the Council of Workers' Deputies, is now under their final consideration. And I hope that in a few hours you will learn about this program.”
And if at a meeting of the Petrograd Council Steklov called for fighting for the republic, then Milyukov just as passionately campaigned here for the preservation of the monarchy. He directly stated that Nicholas II would renounce the throne voluntarily or be deposed, Alexey would be the heir, and Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich would be the regent. The political system of Russia, according to Miliukov, was to become a “parliamentary constitutional monarchy.” The final right to decide on the form of government should belong to the Constituent Assembly. “In our program,” continued Miliukov, “you will find a point according to which, as soon as the danger has passed and strong order has been restored, we will begin preparations for the convocation of a Constituent Assembly (noisy applause), assembled on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret vote- nia. A freely elected people's representation will decide who will more accurately express the general opinion of Russia - us or our opponents." It is important to note in this regard that the agreement of the delegation of the Petrograd Soviet to this most important point of the government declaration, that the Constituent Assembly “will establish the form of government and the constitution of the country,” meant, under the conditions of March 2 and even the night of March 3, consent to a constitutional monarchy . Nothing was yet known about the position of the king. Until three o'clock in the afternoon on March 2, Guchkov and Shulgin, delegated by the Provisional Committee of the State Duma to travel to the Tsar, were still in Petrograd. They had firm instructions to get Nicholas II to abdicate in favor of his son. And the combination - Emperor Alexei and Regent Michael - seemed ninety percent already accomplished.
No one yet knew that the abdication would be in favor of Mikhail Alexandrovich himself, and he, in turn, would also abdicate the supreme power in favor of... the Provisional Government! Therefore, we repeat, postponing the decision on the form of government until the Constituent Assembly meant on March 2, 1917 only that until the Constituent Assembly decided this issue in Russia there would be a constitutional (still without a constitution!) monarchy.
Sukhanov, expecting a debate on the issue of universal suffrage and the Constituent Assembly, was perplexed: why Miliukov was so insistent on a monarchy. However, if freedom is already today, if there is a Constituent Assembly, then what does it matter, he reasoned. Only many months later did he realize that Miliukov’s actions were directed by a distant calculation. Preserving the dynasty was an important asset of the Provisional Government both domestically and internationally. It gave the illusion of preserving national unity, responded to monarchical remnants in the psychology of the backward strata of the people, and made it possible to hope for greater stability of the internal situation in the country and in the army.
On the evening of March 2, the joint work of the delegation of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma resumed. “With the decision of the “third point,” all discussion of issues of “high politics” had already ended, and all that remained was to edit, put in order and submit for printing the first constitution of the Great Russian Revolution, recalled Sukhanov. “It was necessary to paste a declaration to the finished piece of paper with the list of ministers, and then collect the signatures of cabinet members for it.” A surprise and, moreover, an unpleasant surprise for Miliukov was the Council’s demand to add a new clause to the declaration about “military circumstances”, which should not be an obstacle to democratic reforms.
Another trouble was the changed text of the declaration of the Petrograd Soviet itself. The fact is that even at the first joint meeting P.N. Miliukov, on behalf of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, asked the Council delegation to draw up a declaration calling on the population to support the government. A draft of such a document was immediately drawn up by N.D. Sokolov. But Miliukov found it unsatisfactory and composed his own text, in which the soldiers were called upon to remain calm and orderly, and to obey their officers. This text was accepted by the Council delegation. But on March 2, to two paragraphs written by N.D. Sokolov and P.N. Miliukov, another introductory one was added. It was written by Yu.M. Steklov. It noted that the Provisional Government was created from moderate bourgeois circles, and that, in essence, it could only be given conditional support. This provision developed the decision of the general meeting of the Petrograd Soviet on March 2, 1917, which later became very famous, that it was necessary to support the Provisional Government “insofar as it follows the line of implementing the intended tasks.”
The General Meeting instructed the delegation to introduce the following new points into the declaration of the Provisional Government: “1. The provisional government stipulates that all planned activities will be carried out despite the martial law. 2. The manifesto of the Provisional Government must be simultaneously signed by M. Rodzianko and the Provisional Government. 3. Include in the program of the Provisional Government a clause on granting all nationalities the rights of national and cultural self-determination.”
As far as can be judged from the published text of the declaration and memoirs, the last point was not discussed at the evening meeting on March 2 and was not included in any way in the adopted text. As for the first, its final text was developed by Sukhanov, Milyukov and Steklov in the following form: “The Provisional Government considers it its duty to add that it does not at all intend to take advantage of military circumstances for any delay in the implementation of the above reforms and measures".
If Miliukov assessed the results of the negotiations on the night of March 1-2 as positive for the interests of the Provisional Government, then the new negotiations, in his opinion, revised these results in favor of the Council, which from an equal partner was now becoming a controller. Let us recall that at the general meeting on March 2, it was also decided to “form a supervisory committee over the actions of the Provisional Government.” In his “History of the Second Russian Revolution,” Miliukov commented on the results of the negotiations on the evening of March 2:
“Here, as we see, not only did not reflect the fact that the text of government obligations was basically drawn up by the Council delegates themselves, and the text of their declaration by the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, but also that famous formula “insofar as” was adopted for the first time , which in advance weakened the authority of the first revolutionary government among the population." He expressed himself even more decisively in subsequent memoirs: “The whole relationship between our obligations, formulated by them and voluntarily accepted by us, and their obligations, formulated by me and accepted by them, was thus obscured and changed towards class suspicion.”
One way or another, by the beginning of the night of March 3, the text of the declaration was finally edited. You need to sign it quickly. The first signature, at the request of the Council, was put by the Chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko. Then the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Prince G.E., signed. Lviv. It must be said, by the way, that Prince Lvov was not present at the first part of the negotiations with the delegation of the Executive Committee, and during the second part he was mostly silent. Lvov’s signature was followed by the signatures of the ministers: P.N. Miliukov, Minister of Foreign Affairs, N.V. Nekrasov, Minister of Transport, Minister of Education A.A. Manuilov, trade and industry - A.I. Konovalov, finance - M.I. Tereshchenko, Chief Prosecutor of the Synod V.N. Lvov, Minister of Agriculture A.I. Shingarev, Minister of Justice A.F. Kerensky.
The declaration was not signed by A.I. Guchkov - military and naval minister. At that time he was in Pskov with V.V. Shulgin, where he awaited the act of abdication from Nicholas II. But it is unlikely that he would have signed this declaration, since it was no different from the project he had seen, especially in the area that was especially close to him, in the area of the internal life of the army. In any case, Guchkov’s absence clearly facilitated Miliukov’s task of finding a form of agreement with the Petrograd Soviet. Octobrist I.V. did not sign the declaration. Godnev, invited to the post of state controller. In this regard, his name was not mentioned in the list of ministers.
The declaration was immediately retyped in the Council on a typewriter and submitted to the printing house along with the appeal of the Petrograd Council. The original government program and one copy of N.N. Sukhanov gave P.N. Milyukov. In the morning, the declaration of the Provisional Government, together with the appeal of the Petrograd Soviet to the population, printed on one sheet side by side in the form of posters, were posted throughout the city. A.I. Guchkov, returning from Pskov, and driving through the streets of Petrograd, saw these documents and was amazed to learn from them that, in addition to the post of Minister of War, which was previously discussed with him, he had also been given the post of Minister of the Navy. At the same time, the declaration was published in the News of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.
What did her final text look like? First of all, it should be noted that the program of government measures, which was mentioned earlier, by no means exhausted the entire content of the declaration. It begins with a rather extensive introductory part, in the development of which, as it seems to us, members of the delegation of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet did not participate. The first sentence of the introduction emphasized the role and significance of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma in the revolution: “The Provisional Committee of members of the State Duma, with the assistance and sympathy of the capital’s troops and population, has now achieved such a degree of success over the dark forces of the old regime that allows it to begin a more lasting establishment of to the executive branch". This phrase is composed in the familiar style of accusatory speeches by the leaders of the Progressive Bloc. It promotes the State Duma to the place of the only organized center in the revolution, while the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies will be guessed only in vague word"population". Let us also note that the Provisional Committee spoke about a “more durable structure” of the executive branch, that is, only the government branch. Nothing is said here about the rights of the supreme power, the power of the monarch.
“For this purpose,” the declaration further states, “the Interim Committee of the State Duma appoints as ministers of the first public cabinet the following persons, in whom the country’s confidence is ensured by their past social and political activities.” And here we see literal coincidences with the program of the Progressive Bloc: “the creation of a unified government from persons enjoying the trust of the country.” The use of this terminology also points us to the author of the above-mentioned phrases: he was most likely Miliukov, who also carried out the general editing of the document. And in essence, the Provisional Government was the implementation in practice of the idea of the “ministry of trust” that Miliukov put forward in the summer of 1915 as the slogan of the Progressive Bloc. It was not a “responsible government”, since there was no parliament yet, the State Duma was already hanging in the air, and the question of the monarchy had not been resolved. Nobody elected a provisional government. It chose itself. That influential group of public bourgeois-liberal figures, which had formed in Russia at the beginning of the First World War and which already in 1915 tried to come to power through negotiations with the tsarist government, now, in the exceptional conditions of the people's revolution, finally saw a real possibility. opportunity to achieve your goal.
What followed was a list of the ministers of the Provisional Government themselves. Moreover, it is interesting that the name of the government is still retained here: “Council of Ministers,” as can be seen from the title of Prince Lvov’s position: “Chairman of the Council of Ministers.” The term “Provisional Government”, as a name for the executive branch, was first used in the Declaration only in its very last paragraph, which refers to “military circumstances”, and which was added only on the evening of March 2, 1917. In this regard, it can be assumed , that the entire introduction and list of ministers were drawn up earlier, even before the start of negotiations with the delegation of the Petrograd Soviet, since the documents of the Council for March 1 say that its representatives saw the list of ministers. The personal composition of the government was also discussed at the evening meeting of the Executive Committee on March 1. “It was known,” Sukhanov recalled, “that a Zemstvo, Lvov, a regular candidate for prime minister back in the era of “His Majesty’s Opposition,” was scheduled to be the formal head.”
A study of the list of ministers itself shows an even greater connection between the members of the Provisional Government and the projects of the “Ministry of Trust”, which were drawn up in 1915 and 1916. Of the 10 ministries of the “first public cabinet,” 6 were mentioned in the well-known list of the “defense cabinet” published by the newspaper “Morning of Russia” on August 13, 1915. Moreover, in almost the same positions: Milyukov - Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nekrasov - Minister of Railways, Konovalov - trade and industry, V.N. Lvov - Chief Prosecutor of the Synod. Both Guchkov and Shingarev were named there.
In another list, which was compiled on April 6, 1916, at a meeting held in the apartment of S.N. Prokopovich and E.D. Kuskova with representatives of the “left movements”, Prince was also mentioned. Lvov as a candidate for prime minister, Milyukov as Minister of Foreign Affairs, Konovalov as a possible Minister of Trade and Industry, and Guchkov and Shingarev as Minister of War and Minister of Agriculture.
After the list of ministers, there were eight points of the government program, which was preceded by the following words: “In its present activities, the cabinet will be guided by the following principles.” The document ended with a special paragraph about “military circumstances,” which should not be used by the government to delay reforms, and the signatures of ministers.
Thus, the first declaration of the Provisional Government was not the result of the individual creativity of the ministers. In its most important programmatic part, it expressed an agreement between the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma on the conditions on the basis of which the Council recognized the Provisional Government created by the committee. The initial text of these conditions was drawn up by members of the delegation of the Executive Committee of the Council, and after negotiations they were accepted by the Duma Committee, since their content corresponded to the views and party guidelines of the majority of the latter.
At the same time, the introductory part of the document and the list of ministers were drawn up, in all likelihood, even before negotiations with the Petrograd Soviet and indicate the intention of the Duma Committee to form a Council of Ministers (Provisional Government) independently of the Petrograd Soviet. The program agreed upon with the Petrograd Soviet proclaimed the complete democratization of the country and the broadest political freedoms, while at the same time remaining silent about the need for social reforms. At the time of drawing up the declaration, its authors, both members of the Petrograd Soviet and the Duma Committee, assumed that the state system of Russia until the Constituent Assembly would be a constitutional monarchy. The guarantee of the promised freedoms was the real armed force at the disposal of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.
V.I. Startsev
From the collection “Between two revolutions 1905-1917” (Quarterly journal of history and culture of Russia and Eastern Europe"NESTOR" No. 3, 2000)
The text of the declaration is reprinted in the collection of documents and materials “The Revolutionary Movement in Russia after the Overthrow of the Autocracy.” M., 1957. S. 419-420.
