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On September 30, 1938, the famous Munich Agreement, better known in the domestic world, was signed. historical literature like the Munich Agreement. In fact, it was this agreement that became the first step towards the outbreak of World War II. Prime Ministers of Great Britain Neville Chamberlain and France Edouard Daladier, German Reich Chancellor Adolf Hitler, and Italian Prime Minister Benito Mussolini signed a document according to which the Sudetenland, formerly part of Czechoslovakia, was transferred to Germany.

The interest of the German Nazis in the Sudetenland was explained by the fact that a significant German community lived on its territory (by 1938 - 2.8 million people). These were the so-called Sudeten Germans, descendants of German colonists who settled the Czech lands in the Middle Ages. Apart from the Sudetenland, large number Germans lived in Prague and some others major cities Bohemia and Moravia. As a rule, they did not define themselves as Sudeten Germans. The term “Sudeten Germans” itself appeared only in 1902 - with the light hand of the writer Franz Jesser. This is what the rural population of the Sudetenland called themselves, and only then did urban Germans from Brno and Prague join them.

After the First World War and the creation of independent Czechoslovakia, the Sudeten Germans did not want to be part of the Slavic state. Among them, nationalist organizations appeared, including the National Socialist Workers' Party of R. Jung, the Sudeten-German Party of K. Henlein. The breeding ground for the activities of the Sudeten nationalists was the student environment of the university, where the division into Czech and German departments was maintained. Students tried to communicate in their language environment; subsequently, even in parliament, German deputies had the opportunity to speak in their native language. Nationalist sentiments among the Sudeten Germans became especially active after the National Socialist Workers' Party came to power in Germany. The Sudeten Germans demanded secession from Czechoslovakia and annexation to Germany, explaining their demand by the need for liberation from discrimination that allegedly took place in the Czechoslovak state.

In fact, the Czechoslovak government, which did not want to quarrel with Germany, did not discriminate against the Sudeten Germans. It supported local government and education in German, but the Sudeten separatists were not satisfied with these measures. Of course, Adolf Hitler also paid attention to the situation in the Sudetenland. For the Fuhrer, Czechoslovakia, which was the most economically developed country in Eastern Europe, was of great interest. He had long been looking at the developed Czechoslovak industry, including military factories that produced large quantities of weapons and military equipment. In addition, Hitler and his Nazi Party comrades believed that the Czechs could be assimilated quite easily and subjected to German influence. The Czech Republic was seen as a historical sphere of influence of the German state, control over which should be returned to Germany. At the same time, Hitler relied on the disunity of the Czechs and Slovaks, supporting Slovak separatism and national conservative forces, which were very popular in Slovakia.
When the Anschluss of Austria took place in 1938, Sudeten nationalists became obsessed with the idea of ​​carrying out a similar operation with the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia. The leader of the Sudeten-German Party, Henlein, arrived in Berlin on a visit and met with the leadership of the NSDAP. He received instructions on further actions and, returning to Czechoslovakia, immediately began to develop a new party program, which already contained a demand for autonomy for the Sudeten Germans. The next step was to put forward a demand for a referendum on the annexation of the Sudetenland to Germany. In May 1938, Wehrmacht units advanced to the border with Czechoslovakia. At the same time, the Sudeten-German Party was preparing a speech with the aim of separating the Sudetenland. The authorities of Czechoslovakia were forced to carry out partial mobilization in the country, send troops into the Sudetenland and enlist the support of the Soviet Union and France. Then, in May 1938, even fascist Italy, which at that time already had allied relations with Germany, criticized Berlin’s aggressive intentions. Thus, the first Sudetenland crisis ended for Germany and the Sudeten separatists with the fiasco of their plans to seize the Sudetenland. After this, German diplomacy began active negotiations with Czechoslovak representatives. Poland played its role in supporting Germany’s aggressive plans, which threatened war against the Soviet Union if the USSR sent Red Army units to help Czechoslovakia through Polish territory. Poland's position was explained by the fact that Warsaw also laid claim to part of Czechoslovak territory, as did Hungary, neighboring Czechoslovakia.

The time for a new provocation came at the beginning of September 1938. Then there were mass riots in the Sudetenland, organized by the Sudeten Germans. The Czechoslovak government sent troops and police to suppress them. At this time, fears grew again that Germany would send units of the Wehrmacht to help the Sudeten nationalists. Then the leaders of Great Britain and France confirmed their readiness to provide assistance to Czechoslovakia and declare war on Germany if it attacked the neighboring country. At the same time, Paris and London promised Berlin that if Germany did not start a war, it would be able to claim any concessions it wanted. Hitler realized that he was close enough to his goal - the Anschluss of the Sudetenland. He stated that he did not want war, but he needed to support the Sudeten Germans as fellow tribesmen persecuted by the Czechoslovak authorities.

Meanwhile, provocations in the Sudetenland continued. On September 13, Sudeten nationalists again began riots. The Czechoslovak government was forced to introduce martial law in the German-populated areas and strengthen the presence of its armed forces and police. In response, the leader of the Sudeten Germans, Henlein, demanded the lifting of martial law and the withdrawal of Czechoslovak troops from the Sudetenland. Germany announced that if the government of Czechoslovakia does not comply with the demands of the leaders of the Sudeten Germans, it will declare war on Czechoslovakia. On September 15, British Prime Minister Chamberlain arrived in Germany. This meeting, in many ways, became decisive for the future fate of Czechoslovakia. Hitler managed to convince Chamberlain that Germany did not want war, but if Czechoslovakia did not give up the Sudetenland to Germany, thereby realizing the right of the Sudeten Germans, like any other nation, to self-determination, then Berlin would be forced to stand up for their fellow tribesmen. On September 18, representatives of Great Britain and France met in London and came to a compromise solution, according to which areas populated by more than 50% Germans were to go to Germany - in accordance with the right of nations to self-determination. At the same time, Great Britain and France pledged to become guarantors of the inviolability of the new borders of Czechoslovakia, which were approved in connection with this decision. Meanwhile, the Soviet Union confirmed its readiness to provide military assistance to Czechoslovakia even if France does not fulfill its obligations under union treaty with Czechoslovakia, concluded in 1935. However, Poland also confirmed its old position - that it would immediately attack Soviet troops if they tried to pass through its territory into Czechoslovakia. Great Britain and France blocked the Soviet Union's proposal to consider the Czechoslovak situation in the League of Nations. Thus, the conspiracy of the capitalist countries of the West took place.

Representatives of France told the Czechoslovak leadership that if it did not agree to the transfer of the Sudetenland to Germany, then France would refuse to fulfill its allied obligations to Czechoslovakia. At the same time, French and British representatives warned the Czechoslovak leadership that if it used military assistance from the Soviet Union, the situation could get out of control and Western countries would have to fight against the USSR. The Soviet Union, meanwhile, was trying to make a last-ditch effort to protect the territorial integrity of Czechoslovakia. Military units stationed in the western regions of the USSR were put on combat readiness.

At a meeting between Chamberlain and Hitler on September 22, the Fuhrer demanded that the Sudetenland be transferred to Germany within a week, as well as those lands claimed by Poland and Hungary. Polish troops began to concentrate on the border with Czechoslovakia. Turbulent events also took place in Czechoslovakia itself. The government of Milan Goggia, which decided to capitulate to German demands, fell as a result of a general strike. A new provisional government was formed under the leadership of General Yan Syrov. On September 23, the leadership of Czechoslovakia gave the order to begin general mobilization. At the same time, the USSR warned Poland that the non-aggression pact could be terminated if the latter attacked Czechoslovak territory.

But Hitler's position remained unchanged. On September 27, he warned that the next day, September 28, the Wehrmacht would come to the aid of the Sudeten Germans. The only concession he could make was to hold new negotiations on the Sudeten issue. On September 29, the heads of government of Great Britain, France and Italy arrived in Munich. It is noteworthy that representatives of the Soviet Union were not invited to the meeting. Representatives of Czechoslovakia were also refused an invitation - although it was the region that was most concerned with the issue under discussion. Thus, the leaders of four Western European countries decided the fate of a small state in Eastern Europe.

At one in the morning on September 30, 1938, the Munich Agreement was signed. The division of Czechoslovakia took place, after which representatives of Czechoslovakia itself were allowed into the hall. They, of course, expressed their protest against the actions of the parties to the agreement, but after a while they succumbed to pressure from British and French representatives and signed the agreement. The Sudetenland was transferred to Germany. Czechoslovak President Benes, fearful of war, signed the agreement adopted in Munich on the morning of September 30. Despite the fact that in Soviet historical literature this agreement was viewed as a criminal conspiracy, ultimately we can talk about its dual nature.

On the one hand, Germany initially sought to protect the right of the Sudeten Germans to self-determination. Indeed, after the First World War, the German people found themselves divided. The Germans, like any other people in the world, had the right to self-determination and to live in a single state. That is, the movement of the Sudeten Germans could be considered as a national liberation movement. But the whole problem is that Hitler was not going to stop at the Sudetenland and limit himself to protecting the rights of the Sudeten Germans. He needed all of Czechoslovakia, and the Sudetenland issue became only a pretext for further aggression against this state.

Thus, the other side of the Munich Agreements is that they became the starting point for the destruction of Czechoslovakia as a single and independent state and for the occupation of the Czech Republic by German troops. The ease with which the Western powers allowed Hitler to carry out this cunning maneuver instilled in him confidence in his own abilities and allowed him to act more aggressively towards other states. A year later, Poland received retribution for its position towards Czechoslovakia, which itself found itself occupied by the troops of Nazi Germany.

The criminal behavior of Great Britain and France was not that they allowed the Germans of the Sudetenland to reunite with Germany, but that Paris and London turned a blind eye to Hitler's further aggressive policy towards Czechoslovakia. The next step was the separation of Slovakia, also carried out with the support of Nazi Germany and with the complete silence of Western states, although they understood that the new Slovak state would actually become a satellite of Berlin. On October 7, autonomy was granted to Slovakia, on October 8 - to Subcarpathian Ruthenia, on November 2, Hungary received the southern regions of Slovakia and part of Subcarpathian Rus' (now this part is part of Ukraine). On March 14, 1939, the parliament of the autonomy of Slovakia supported the secession of the autonomy from Czechoslovakia. Hitler was again able to use the conflict between the government of Czechoslovakia and the Slovak leaders to his advantage. The Western powers remained silent as usual. On March 15, Germany sent its troops into the territory of the Czech Republic. The well-armed Czech army did not offer fierce resistance to the Wehrmacht.

Having occupied the Czech Republic, Hitler proclaimed it the protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. So the Czech state ceased to exist with the tacit consent of Great Britain and France. The “peace-loving” policy of the powers, which, by the way, guaranteed the inviolability of the new borders of the Czechoslovak state with the same Munich Agreement, led to the destruction of the Czech Republic as a state and, in the long term, significantly brought the tragedy of the Second World War closer. After all, Hitler received what he sought even before the “resolution of the Sudeten issue” - control over the military industry of Czechoslovakia and a new ally - Slovakia, which, if anything happened, could provide support to Hitler’s troops during their further advance to the east.


Sources - https://topwar.ru/

Czechoslovakia and its neighbors in 1918-1938. 1 - Czech Republic; 2 - Moravia; 3 - Slovakia; 4 - Transcarpathia (Subcarpathian Rus)

A little over 70 years ago, Western democrats, entering into a conspiracy with Hitler, essentially handing over Czechoslovakia to him to be torn to pieces, thought that they were bringing peace to their peoples and Europe as a whole. Today, the states that were involved in the events of those years love to philosophize more about the fight against global terrorism and the promotion of democracy, but they forget the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, the bombing and occupation of Iraq. It is forgotten that instead of peace with the Munich Agreement, Europe entered the path of World War II.

BACKGROUND OF THE QUESTION

Czechoslovakia was a strong supporter of the Versailles system; in its foreign policy it relied on cooperation with France and on its own alliance - the Little Entente, which also included Romania and Yugoslavia. In the 1930s, Czechoslovakia also became one of the main supporters of collective security guaranteed by the League of Nations.

It should be noted that Versailles dealt a serious blow to Germany, which was successively broken by defeat, revolution, inflation, economic depression and dictatorship. Great Britain and France gained nothing from weakening their opponents. They sacrificed the flower of the nation - the young generation - for the sake of peace, which made the enemy geopolitically stronger than before the war.

Actually, Versailles nurtured the idea of ​​revenge in Germany. Therefore, Adolf Hitler put forward a plan to create a German superstate in fulfillment of his declared idea of ​​​​national self-determination of the Germans and in order to “correct” the shortcomings of the Treaty of Versailles.

By the way, in modern history, the Third Reich is the only plan for creating a superstate that was carried out. Hitler took the name “Third Reich” from a book by a little-known German nationalist historian published in 1923. Hitler, along with the author of the book, believed that the new German state should become the successor to the previous empires - the Holy Roman Empire (962-1806) and the German Empire (1871-1918).

1933 - The Nazis came to power in Germany and created a direct threat to Czechoslovakia. The Nazis did not hide their revenge plans for defeat in the First World War, and they soon put forward territorial claims to Czechoslovakia.

The government of Czechoslovakia was forced to look for a way to ensure the defense of the state against a surprise attack. On the recommendation of France, it was decided to begin construction of a powerful border fortification. At that time, the length of the border with Germany was 1,545 km, and it was decided that it would be fortified along its entire length.

Since Poland and Hungary also put forward territorial claims to Czechoslovakia, Czechoslovakia had to strengthen the border with Hungary with a length of 832 km and with Poland - 984 km.

The first step towards the expansion of Germany was the annexation of the Saar region - German territory, which, according to the Treaty of Versailles, passed to France. This happened peacefully - on January 13, 1935, France held a referendum in which the majority of the population voted in favor of inclusion in Germany. A continuation of the policy of expansion was the Anschluss of Austria on March 12, 1938 in the south of the Third Reich.

SUDIAN GERMANS

3.2 million Germans lived on the territory of Czechoslovakia in the Sudetenland. The German minority had several political parties. The activities of the German Nationalist and German National Socialist Workers' Parties were suspended in April 1935 due to contacts with organizations of Nazi Germany and activities aimed at destabilizing the situation in Czechoslovakia.

After this, adherents of these parties, led by Konrad Henlein, based on the Sudeten-German Patriotic Front that existed since October 2, 1933, created the Sudeten-German Party in 1935. Initially, this party was loyal to the government, but Nazis gradually began to enter its leadership. Gradually this party turned into Hitler's “fifth column”.

The German press and propaganda, disseminating descriptions of the “martyrdom” of the Sudeten Germans (remember the recent trials in the Yugoslav province of Kosovo and the actions of the Western media), being oppressed and discriminated against by the Czechs, as well as the provocations and riots organized by the Sudeten-German party dangerously thickened the atmosphere around the Sudetenland, giving Hitler the opportunity for unrestrained attacks on Czechoslovakia.

Already on April 21, 1938, Hitler and Keitel developed the Grün plan, which envisaged an attack on Czechoslovakia after a series of diplomatic negotiations that would lead to a crisis.

The Karlovy Vary program was prepared in close contact with Hitler. For the Germans, the main thing was to find out the position of England and France regarding support for Czechoslovakia. British and French politicians considered it unsafe to send the Czechoslovaks to resist and recommended that they negotiate.

On April 28-29, Chamberlain, Halifax, Daladier and Bonnet met in London. The French government, considering itself bound by the French-Czech treaty, sought in vain to obtain clear guarantees from England, which the Soviet Union actively insisted on. On May 30, 1938, at a meeting of the generals in Uteborg, Hitler announced the armed seizure of Czechoslovakia no later than October 1, 1938 (Operation Grün), and in September, at the NSDAP congress, in the speeches of Hitler and Goebbels, unequivocal warnings were made about the “liberation of the oppressed Germans” and the liquidation of the Czechoslovak state.

Germany's hostility increased all the time due to the fact that Czechoslovakia accepted all anti-fascist emigrants.

Indeed, France and England were generators of peace in Europe; they wanted to avoid a war for which, despite numerous assurances, they were not ready, so they put powerful pressure on Czechoslovakia.

They wanted to satisfy Adolf Hitler at the expense of a friendly country whose security France guaranteed. The British and French governments, instead of helping Czechoslovakia, launched activities to “save” the world “at any cost,” in this case - at the cost of the dismemberment of Czechoslovakia.

BERCHTERSGADEN - PROLOGUE TO MUNICH

On September 15, 1938, Chamberlain went to negotiate with Hitler in Berchtersgaden. During the “negotiations,” Chamberlain promised to convey to the Czechoslovak government Hitler’s demands for the transfer of the Sudetenland to Germany.

On September 18, the British and French governments agreed to transfer a number of Czechoslovak territories to Germany. The next day, the President of Czechoslovakia, E. Benes, was presented with an ultimatum to transfer the territories inhabited by the Germans to Germany, which he accepted on September 21. The Soviet Union declared its readiness to fulfill its obligations to protect Czechoslovakia without taking into account the position of France, but subject to the consent of Poland or Romania to allow Red Army units to pass through their territory. Poland refused and put pressure on Romania, and Benes himself refused help from the USSR: apparently, he preferred to accept the ultimatum of the Western powers.

On September 23, Czechoslovakia carried out a successful mobilization. The Armed Forces of Czechoslovakia after mobilization included four armies, 14 corps, 34 divisions and 4 infantry groups, mobile divisions (tank + cavalry), as well as 138 battalions of fortress garrisons that were not part of the divisions, 7 aviation squadrons, numbering 55 squadrons ( 13 bomber, 21 fighter and 21 reconnaissance squadrons) and 1514 aircraft, of which 568 were first-tier aircraft.

Czechoslovakia put 1,250 thousand people under arms, of which 972,479 people were deployed in the first echelon. The army consisted of 36 thousand trucks, 78,900 horses and 32 thousand carts. It was a fairly powerful army: even alone it could resist Germany. Apparently, Hitler was also afraid of her, so he forced events. The Czechoslovak army was simply disarmed, without any resistance. Without a war, Hitler received mountains of weapons, which he actively used in the war against European countries.

MUNICH CONVERSATION

The most dramatic event of 1938 occurred on September 29, when four statesmen met at the Fuhrer's Munich residence to redraw the map of Europe. The three distinguished guests at this historic conference were British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, French Premier Edouard Daladier and Italian dictator Benito Mussolini. But the main figure was the hospitable German host Adolf Hitler.

Opening it, Hitler gave a speech, bursting out with abuse against Czechoslovakia. He demanded “in the interests of European peace” the immediate transfer of the Sudetenland and stated that under any conditions his troops would be sent into the border areas on October 1. At the same time, the Fuhrer again assured that Germany has no other claims in Europe. He defined the task of the conference as follows: to give the entry of German troops into the territory of Czechoslovakia a legal character and to exclude the use of weapons.

By mid-afternoon, two representatives of Czechoslovakia arrived and were placed in one of the rooms under reliable guard. The Czechoslovak delegation was not allowed to participate in the negotiations. The speeches of the participants in the conspiracy were not recorded in shorthand, because the deal was clearly not subject to publicity.

Formally, the basis for signing the agreement was the infringement of the rights of the German minority (3.2 million) living on the territory of Czechoslovakia in the Sudetenland and other areas with a predominantly German population.

The Munich Agreement was signed on the night of September 29-30, 1938. Under this agreement, Germany received the right to annex the Sudetenland, as well as those areas where the German population exceeded 50 percent. German troops were brought into the Sudetenland. In exchange, the two powers gave “guarantees” of new borders for Czechoslovakia. What these guarantees were worth is evidenced by further developments.

The loneliness of Czechoslovakia was to some extent voluntary, since the Franco-Soviet-Czechoslovak treaty also provided for unilateral assistance, but on condition that one of the parties itself asked for it. Czechoslovak President Benes not only did not demand help from the Soviet Union, but did not even insist on inviting a USSR representative to Munich.

The joint forcing of Czechoslovakia to renounce its territories through the efforts of Hitler and Mussolini on the one hand and the “Western democracies” led by Chamberlain and Deladier (the United States also supported the Munich deal) became significant. In exchange, Germany signed declarations with England (September 30) and France (December 6), which, in essence, were non-aggression pacts.

“It was clear to me from the very beginning,” Hitler admitted to his generals after the Munich Agreement, “that the Sudeten-German region would not satisfy me. This is a half-hearted solution."

Between October 1 and October 10, 1938, Germany annexed the Sudetenland with an area of ​​30 thousand square meters. km, in which more than 3 million people lived, border fortifications and important industrial enterprises. Poland (to the Cieszyn region) and Hungary (to the southern regions of Slovakia) made their territorial claims, which allowed Hitler to whitewash the annexation of the Sudetenland with the “international” nature of the demands on Czechoslovakia.

HOMEGROWN AGGRESSORS

Taking advantage of Germany’s preparations for the seizure of Czechoslovakia and the Munich policy of “pacifying” the aggressor, the Horthy government of Hungary in August 1938 demanded the transfer of Czechoslovak regions with the Hungarian national minority to it.

The role of arbiter was assumed by Germany and Italy, represented by Foreign Ministers Ribbentrop and Ciano. By a decision made on November 2, 1938, the southern regions of Slovakia and the region of Ruthenia (Subcarpathian Ruthenia) with a total area of ​​11,927 square meters were transferred to Hungary. km with a population of 772 thousand people.

On September 21, the Polish government denounced the 1925 Polish-Czechoslovak Treaty on National Minorities and officially demanded the transfer of Teszyn and Spis. Polish demands were accepted by the Prague government. Czechoslovakia ceded to Poland the region of Teshin and Spis, where 80 thousand Poles and 120 thousand Czechs lived.

However, the main acquisition was the industrial potential of the captured territory. At the end of 1938, the enterprises located there produced almost 41% of the pig iron produced in Poland and almost 47% of the steel.

As Churchill wrote about this in his memoirs, Poland “with the greed of a hyena took part in the robbery and destruction of the Czechoslovak state.” An equally flattering zoological comparison is made in his book by the previously quoted American researcher Baldwin: “Poland and Hungary, like vultures, tore off pieces of a dying divided state.” So, in 1938, no one was going to be ashamed. The capture of the Cieszyn region was considered a national triumph. After the signing of the Munich Agreement, Czechoslovakia, having satisfied the territorial claims of Poland and Hungary, lost border fortifications, rich coal deposits, part of light industry and some railway junctions.

PROTECTORATE OF BOHEMIAN AND MORAVIA

Everything that happened after the conclusion of the Munich Agreement showed the illusory hopes of European politicians who believed that Hitler could be “appeased.” Berlin immediately began preparing a solution to the problem of Czechoslovakia as a whole.

On March 14, the Slovak Autonomous Sejm, in accordance with Hitler's demands, declared the sovereignty of the Slovak state. Summoned to Berlin, Haha was notified of the upcoming invasion and on the night of March 15 signed the aforementioned agreement on the need to “entrust the fate of the Czech people and the country itself into the hands of the Fuhrer and the German Reich,” thereby eliminating Czechoslovakia as a state. German troops at this time had already entered Czechoslovakia and at 9 a.m. on March 15 occupied Prague. The German occupation of Czech lands began.


Czechoslovakia after the Munich Agreement - Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia (March 15, 1939 - May 8, 1945). 1 - Protectorate; 2 - Slovak State

On March 16, 1939, Hitler, in order to pseudo-legally formalize the colonial dependence of the Czech lands on the “Great German Reich,” established the regime of the so-called protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The protectorate was headed by state president Emil Gaha and the government. In fact, power was exercised by the Reich Protector and his administration, where the Sudeten German Karl Hermann Frank had the decisive vote.

PROLOGUE OF THE WAR

The Munich Agreement and the capitulatory position of the Czechoslovak government led to the following:

The country ceased to exist as an independent and sovereign state, and its territory was divided between Germany and the new aggressors - Poland and Hungary;

The large and well-armed Czechoslovak army was excluded from the ranks of potential opponents of the Third Reich: 1582 aircraft, 2676 artillery pieces, 469 tanks, 43,000 machine guns, 1 million rifles, gigantic reserves of ammunition, various military equipment and the military-industrial complex of Czechoslovakia, which to the end war worked for Germany. The industry, rebuilt by the Nazis on a military scale, was very effective: only the Skoda factories in the Czech Republic in 1940 produced as many weapons as the entire British industry.

If Hitler carried out the Anschluss of Austria under the cover of a referendum, then the occupation of Czechoslovakia was actually sanctioned by the “peacekeepers” Chamberlain and Deladier, forgetting about the guarantees that had been given to Czechoslovakia before. Moreover, they encouraged Hitler’s aggressive policy and sought to “canalize” German aggression in the East and put the world in danger of unleashing a world war.

This is what the American Time magazine wrote on January 2, 1939 in the article “Man of the Year 1938 Adolf Hitler”: “When Hitler, without bloodshed, reduced Czechoslovakia to the status of a German puppet, achieved a radical revision of European defense alliances and received freedom of action in Eastern Europe after guarantees of non-intervention from England (and then France), he, without a doubt, became “Man of the Year 1938”.

According to some estimates, 1,133 streets and squares, such as Rathausplatz in Vienna, took on the name of Adolf Hitler. He dealt with two rivals: the President of Czechoslovakia, Benes, and the last Chancellor of Austria, Kurt von Schuschnigg, and sold 900,000 copies of Mein Kampf in Germany, which was also widely sold in Italy and rebel Spain. His only loss was his eyesight: he began wearing glasses for work. Last week, Herr Hitler threw a Christmas party for the 7,000 workers building the giant new Chancellery in Berlin, telling them: “The next decade will show these countries with their patented democracies where real culture lies.”

To those watching the events of the end of the year, it seemed more than likely that the 1938 Man of the Year could make 1939 a memorable year.

Time made the right point. Indeed, 1939 became a memorable year not only because Hitler finally “swallowed” Czechoslovakia, but also because he unleashed World War II. But Joseph Stalin became the man of 1939, you can read about this in Time magazine (Jan. 1, 1940). By the way, he was the man of the year in 1942.

It is interesting that the magazine contains I. Stalin’s maxim: “One death is a tragedy, a million deaths are statistics.”

Another thing is interesting: why did Joseph Stalin become the person of the year in 1939? According to Time, the Nazi-Communist “non-aggressive” treaty signed in the Kremlin on the night of August 23-24 was, in fact, a diplomatic demarche that literally destroyed the world. It was actually signed by the German Foreign Minister Joachim Ribbentrop and the Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov. But Comrade Stalin had to give this agreement his blessing, and he did. With this treaty, Germany broke through the British-French “encirclement”, freeing itself from the need to fight on two fronts. Another thing is clear: without the treaty, German generals, of course, would not have felt the desire to begin military operations. With this the Second began world war. From Russia's point of view, the treaty at first seemed like a brilliant move in the cynical game of power politicians. It was expected that the clever Joseph Stalin would lie basely, allow the Allies and the Germans to wage a war of attrition, after which he might have collected some parts of the territory.

In reality, Comrade Stalin received something much more:

More than half of defeated Poland was simply handed over to him without war;

The three Baltic states - Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania - were calmly told that after this (in the future) they should turn to Moscow, and not to Berlin. They all signed “mutual assistance” treaties, turning them into real protectorates of the Soviet Union;

Germany abandoned any interest in Finland, thus giving the Russians carte blanche in the war with the Finns;

Germany agreed to recognize some Russian interests in the Balkans, Romanian Bessarabia and Eastern Bulgaria.

Let me remind you that Molotov said about the signing of the Soviet-German treaty: “The Soviet-German treaty was subjected to numerous attacks in the Anglo-French and American press. They go so far as to accuse us of the fact that, you see, there is no clause in the treaty stating that it will be denounced if one of the contracting parties finds itself involved in a war under conditions that may give someone an external reason to classify her attacking side. Is it difficult for these gentlemen to understand the meaning of the Soviet-German non-aggression pact, by virtue of which the USSR is not obliged to be drawn into the war either on the side of England against Germany, or on the side of Germany against England?“

By the way, according to the non-aggression treaty between the USSR and Germany of August 23, 1939, the parties refused to participate in aggressive alliances against each other, but not defensive ones. Therefore, after signing the agreement with the Germans, the Soviet government proposed to England and France on August 30, 1939 to continue negotiations on a defensive alliance. However, the Anglo-French side did not respond to this proposal.

REFERENCE

According to the decision of the victorious powers, enshrined in the Potsdam Agreements, in the period from 1945 to 1950, 11.7 million Germans were forcibly evicted from their places permanent residence in Central and Eastern Europe, including: from the Baltic states and the Memel region - 168,800 people, from East Prussia - 1,935,400 people, from Danzig - 283,000 people, from Eastern Pomerania - 14,316,000 people, from East Brandenburg - 424,000 people, from Poland - 672,000 people, from Silesia - 315,200 people, Czechoslovakia - 2,921,400 people, Romania - 246,000 people, Hungary - 206,000 people, Yugoslavia - 287 000 people (Data from the Statistical Yearbook of the Federal Republic of Germany for 1960)

Back in 1942, Great Britain and France, in 1944 Italy, in 1950 the GDR and in 1973 the Federal Republic of Germany declared the Munich Agreement initially invalid.

One more detail. The Munich Agreement once again led to a change in the balance of power in Europe. Germany returned triumphantly to Europe and again returned to the forgotten topic of the Balkans. In essence, Munich marked the prologue to World War II.

When Foreign Minister Kamil Krofta, broken and indignant, informed the Prague ambassadors of the three “Munich” powers - Great Britain, France and Italy - on September 30, 1938, about his government’s agreement with the seizure of part of the territory of Czechoslovakia in favor of Hungary and Germany, he added warningly: “ I don’t know whether your countries will benefit from the decision taken in Munich. But we, of course, will not be the last; others will suffer after us.” Indeed, many suffered, especially in Europe. Munich marked the absolute end of the post-World War I order. It was to be replaced by a system created on the basis of treaties between the countries participating in the Munich agreement. But this system collapsed before it was created. The world and Europe still did not escape the war that broke out on September 1, 1939.

Munich encourages us to think that in the modern turbulent world we can expect any unexpected turns, and the art of power is to skillfully maneuver in this turbulent sea.

RETRIBUTION

The last shots of World War II thundered on European soil near the village of Milin, south of Prague, on May 12, 1945. The Resistance movement believed that in the new Czechoslovakia there should be no place for the German national minority, which was essentially a German “fifth column”. In principle, this corresponded to the preliminary plans of the Allies for the post-war reconstruction of Europe. President Eduard Benes eventually joined the plan to evict the Germans.

The eviction plan was also supported by all political movements Czechoslovakia. The hatred of the inhabitants of Czechoslovakia for the Germans was so great that the so-called wild eviction began: the spontaneous expulsion of Germans from the state.

The Potsdam Conference on August 1, 1945, which determined the future fate of Germany and eastern borders Poland, confirmed the eviction of the German population from Czechoslovakia, Poland and Hungary. Thus, the official eviction of Germans was legalized.

The Benes government formed a special body involved in ethnic cleansing: a department was organized in the Ministry of the Interior to carry out “odsun” - “expulsion”. All of Czechoslovakia was divided into 13 districts, at the head of each there was a person responsible for the expulsion of the Germans. In total, the department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs on issues The expulsions employed 1,200 people. By 1950, Czechoslovakia was left without a German minority.

One of the main “stones” that the Fifth Column and the West throw at the Soviet Union, trying to denigrate our history, is the accusation of the division of Poland. Allegedly, Stalin and Hitler signed some “secret protocols” to the Non-Aggression Pact between the USSR and Germany” (the originals of which no one ever provided!), and peaceful, defenseless Poland was occupied in the fall of 1939.

There is nothing less true than such statements.

Let's figure it out.

Poland was not at all an anti-Hitler country. On the contrary - on January 26, 1934, it was Poland that was the FIRST among European states to sign a non-aggression pact with Hitler. It is also called the Pilsudski-Hitler Pact.


  1. Poland was preparing TOGETHER with Germany for aggression against the USSR. That is why ALL the fortifications of Poland were built... on the border with Soviet Union. Nothing was built on the border with Hitler except rear warehouses. Which greatly helped the Germans in the defeat of the Polish armies in the fall of 1939.

  2. After the Munich Agreement, Poland, like the Third Reich, received a substantial piece of the territory of Czechoslovakia. Hitler - Sudetenland, Poland - Cieszyn region.

  3. Hitler officially terminated the non-aggression pact with Poland on April 28, 2018, due to the so-called “guarantees” that Great Britain gave to Poland. (That is, in essence, these two countries entered into an agreement directed against Berlin, which was regarded as unacceptable).

  4. Therefore, Hitler’s destruction of Poland for the USSR looked like this: one Russophobic regime destroyed another Russophobic regime. Stalin had no reason to help the Poles. Moreover, they OFFICIALLY prohibited the USSR from providing any assistance, declaring a ban on the Red Army entering Polish territory (this was during the visit of the Anglo-French delegation to Moscow in August 1939).

All accusations against the USSR and Stalin are based on one postulate: an agreement was signed, which means the USSR helped Germany and was even supposedly its ally. So, following this logic of Svanidze, the Milkies and the Western media, Poland was a 100% ally of Hitler. Was there a non-aggression pact? Was. Moreover, during the Anschluss of Austria, the occupation of part of Czechoslovakia and Lithuania (Memel-Klaipeda), he acted. Poland itself occupied part of Czechoslovakia.


Therefore, liberal historians, either stop talking nonsense about “Stalin is an ally of Hitler,” or be consistent and include Poland as allies of the Third Reich. And write that in September 1939, Hitler defeated his former ally, who six months before that had been a faithful ally of the possessed Fuhrer.


And now some more facts.


First from modern history.


Here is a letter from my reader from Poland.


“Good afternoon, Nikolai Viktorovich! My name is Ruben, I am Armenian and currently live in Warsaw. I would like to share my observations obtained in Warsaw museums dedicated to the events of World War II. I recently visited the Gestapo Museum in Warsaw and noticed how some historical facts were presented. For example, it was very strange to read that Germany annexed the Sudetenland in 1938, while Poland occupied Zaolzie (the eastern part of Cieszyn Silesia). Please note that replacing just one word already gives the actions of the Germans a clear aggressiveness, while the Poles

themselves, they simply occupied the territory. As if this was an empty, useless territory, and they just occupied it. Don't let the good go to waste.


And I’m also very outraged by the hatred of everything Russian, the USSR and communism. In museums dedicated to the victims of the Germans, there is more hatred towards Russians than towards Germans. We are on par with the Nazis, and sometimes worse. For example, in one room Stalin’s words of regret and condolences are given to the victims of the premature (as Stalin believed) Warsaw Uprising, in another - Stalin is presented as a bloodthirsty executioner who strangles an SS man with one hand, and with the other, holding a sickle, wants to cut off the head of a liberated Pole. And many of them are very offensive

cartoons on this topic.


It is surprising that they do not question that if the Russians committed the same atrocities, then why in Poland there are only German concentration camps Auschwitz, Majdanek, etc.? Where are the death camps built by the Russians? Where are the photographs, films? After all, all this is about the Germans. And nothing about us. Only caricatures and selfless hysteria. It’s a shame that people readily believe this and hate Russians more than Germans.”


What can I say - sowing hatred towards Russia and Russians is generally the center of the West’s political line EVERYWHERE. If you doubt it, look at Ukraine. In fact, after the terrible Second World War, the USSR and Poland found mutual understanding and lived peacefully. Hatred is a thing of the past - it has been revived. But Stalin tried no less for Poland than for his own country. Today's Poland was created within today's borders by Stalin.


As for how Poland, taking advantage of the fact that England and France surrendered Czechoslovakia to Hitler, “plucked off” the Cieszyn region from it, material from one of the resources tells about this perfectly. Let's remember that the occupation of Czechoslovakia in 1938 was not only German, but also Polish.



The partition and destruction of Czechoslovakia as an independent state with the participation of Germany, Hungary and Poland in 1938-1939 is not included in the official history of World War II. How the “victim” of the “Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact” behaved a year before the “official” start of World War II.


Polish 7TR tanks enter the Czech city of Teszyn (Cieszyn). October 1938



Poles replace the Czech name of the city with the Polish one at the city railway station in Tesin.



Polish troops enter Cieszyn



Polish soldiers pose with the deposed Czechoslovak coat of arms at the telephone and telegraph building they captured during Operation Zaluzhye in the Czech village of Ligotka Kameralna (Ligotka Kameralna-Polish, Komorní Lhotka-Czech), located near the town of Cieszyn.


A Polish tank 7TR from the 3rd armored battalion (tank of the 1st platoon) overcomes the Czechoslovak border fortifications in the area of ​​the Polish-Czechoslovak border. The 3rd Armored Battalion had a tactical sign “Silhouette of a bison in a circle”, which was applied to the tank turret. But in August 1939, all tactical signs on the towers were painted over, as if they were unmasking.



The Poles are carrying a Czechoslovak border post torn out of the ground with the destroyed Czechoslovak coat of arms. Teshin.



Handshake between Polish Marshal Edward Rydz-Śmigła and German attache Colonel Bogislaw von Studnitz at the Independence Day parade in Warsaw on November 11, 1938. The photograph is notable because the Polish parade was particularly linked to the capture of Cieszyn Selesia a month earlier.



An armored unit of Polish troops occupies the Czech village of Jorgov during the operation to annex the Czechoslovak lands of Spis. In the foreground is a Polish TK-3 wedge.



Polish troops occupy the Czech village of Jorgov during the operation to annex the Czechoslovak lands of Spiš.



The future fate of these territories is interesting. After the collapse of Poland, Orava and Spis were transferred to Slovakia. After the end of World War II, the lands were again occupied by the Poles, the government of Czechoslovakia was forced to agree to this. To celebrate, the Poles carried out ethnic cleansing against ethnic Slovaks and Germans. In 1958 the territories were returned to Czechoslovakia. Now they are part of Slovakia.


Polish soldiers at a captured Czech checkpoint near the Czechoslovak-German border, near the pedestrian bridge built in honor of the anniversary of Emperor Franz Joseph in the Czech town of Bohumin. The not yet demolished Czechoslovakian border pillar is visible.



Polish troops occupy the Czech town of Karvin during Operation Zaluzhye. The Polish part of the population greets the troops with flowers. October 1938.



The Czechoslovak city of Karvin was the center of heavy industry in Czechoslovakia, coke production, and one of the most important centers of coal mining in the Ostrava-Karvin coal basin. Thanks to Operation Zaluzhye carried out by the Poles, former Czechoslovak enterprises already at the end of 1938 provided Poland with almost 41% of the iron smelted in Poland and almost 47% of the steel.


Bunker of the Czechoslovak fortification line in the Sudeten Mountains (“Beneš Line”).



Sudeten Germans break down a Czechoslovak border post during the German occupation of the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia in late September and early October 1938.



Units of the Polish 10th Mounted Rifle Regiment of the 10th Mechanized Brigade are preparing for a ceremonial parade in front of the regiment commander to mark the end of Operation Zaluzhye (occupation of Czechoslovak territories).



Handshake between Polish Marshal Edward Rydz-Śmigła and German attache Major General Bogislaw von Studnitz at the Independence Day parade in Warsaw on November 11, 1938. The photograph is notable because the Polish parade was particularly linked to the capture of Cieszyn Selesia a month earlier. A column of Cieszyn Poles specially took part in the parade, and in Germany, on the eve of November 9-10, 1938, the so-called “Crystal Night” took place, the first mass act of direct physical violence against Jews on the territory of the Third Reich.



Fraternization of soldiers of the Hungarian and Polish occupation forces in occupied Czechoslovakia.



German officers at the Czechoslovak-German border observe the capture of the town of Bohumin by Polish troops. Germans stand on a pedestrian bridge built in honor of the anniversary of Emperor Franz Joseph.


After Germany carried out “reunification” with Austria, and Warsaw approved this event, then Berlin supported Poland’s claims to Vilna and the Vilnius region, in exchange for recognition of German rights to Klaipeda, Berlin and Warsaw continued their “fruitful” cooperation - in aggression against Czechoslovakia , its dismemberment.

From the very beginning of the creation of Czechoslovakia, the Polish elite put forward territorial claims to Prague. Jozef Pilsudski, the 1st head of state of Poland in 1918 - 1922, Minister of War in 1926 - 1935, generally stated that “the artificially and ugly created Czechoslovak Republic not only is not the basis of European balance, but, on the contrary, is its weak link." Back in 1918, the Poles wanted to expand their state at the expense of Czechoslovakia, laying claim to a number of territories; they were especially interested in the Cieszyn region.

Cieszyn Silesia is a historical region of south-eastern Silesia, located between the Vistula and Odra rivers. The Duchy of Cieszyn existed on this territory from 1290 to 1918; until the mid-17th century, the duchy was ruled by a branch of the Polish Piast dynasty. In 1327, Duke Casimir I of Cieszyn became a vassal of the King of Bohemia (as the Czech Republic was then called) John of Luxembourg, and the Duchy of Cieszyn (or Cieszyn) became an autonomous fief within Bohemia. After the death in 1653 of the last ruler of the Piast family - Duchess of Cieszyn Elizabeth Lucretia - the Duchy of Cieszyn became the possession of the Austrian Habsburgs and began to be called in German: Cieszyn. The duchy belonged to the Austrian and then the Austro-Hungarian Empire until 1918, when the empire collapsed after defeat in the First World War. In this area they spoke a mixed Polish-Czech dialect, which the Czechs classify as the Czech language, and the Poles, accordingly, as the Polish language. Until the end of the 19th century, there was no predominance of any population group here - Czechs, Poles, Silesians, but then Polish emigrants began to come en masse from Galicia in search of work. As a result, by 1918 the Poles became the majority - 54%, but they had complete predominance only in the eastern regions.

Conflict 1919-1920

After the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire on November 5, 1918, the Polish government of the Cieszyn Duchy - the Cieszyn National Council - signed an agreement with the Czech National Committee for Silesia on the division of Cieszyn Silesia, agreeing on temporary boundaries. It had to be signed by the central governments of Poland and Czechoslovakia. The Czech side based its claims to the region on three factors: economic, strategic and historical. The region belonged to Bohemia since 1339; walked through the area railway, connecting the Czech Republic and Eastern Slovakia, at that time the Hungarian Soviet Republic was at war with Czechoslovakia, laying claim to Slovakia; In addition, the region had a developed industry and was rich in coal. Poland argued its position based on the ethnicity of the majority of the population.
The Czech side asked the Poles to stop their preparations for national parliamentary elections in the region, they refused, in January 1919, Czech troops entered the region, the main Polish forces were engaged in the fight against the Western Ukrainian People's Republic, and therefore did not encounter serious resistance. Under pressure from the Entente, in February 1919, both sides signed an agreement on a new line of border demarcation. In 1920, Czechoslovak President Tomas Masaryk (the first president of the republic from 1918 to 1935) made a statement that if the conflict over Tesin was resolved not in favor of Czechoslovakia, his republic would side with Moscow in the outbreak of the Soviet-Polish war. The Polish leadership, frightened by the prospect of a war on two fronts, made concessions. The final treaty between Poland and Czechoslovakia was signed on July 28, 1920 at a conference in Belgium: the western part of the disputed Cieszyn region was left for the Czechs, while Warsaw received the eastern part. But in Warsaw they believed that the conflict was not over and were waiting for the moment to return to the dispute.

Therefore, when Hitler decided to take the Sudetenland from Prague, the Poles immediately cooperated with him, offering to exert a double influence on both the Sudeten and Cieszyn issues. On January 14, 1938, Hitler was visited by Polish Foreign Minister Jozef Beck, and German-Polish consultations regarding Czechoslovakia began. Berlin came up with demands to ensure the rights of the Sudeten Germans, Warsaw with similar demands regarding the Cieszyn Poles.
In addition, when the Soviet Union on May 12 expressed its readiness to provide military assistance to Czechoslovakia in the confrontation with Germany, subject to the passage of the Red Army through the territory of Romania and Poland, these states declared that they would not allow the passage of Soviet troops. “They gave Paris a cold shower,” although France was a traditional ally of Poland, Jozef Beck said that in the event of a war between France and Germany, Poland would remain neutral and would not comply with the Franco-Polish treaty, since it only provided for defense against Germany, and not an attack at her. Paris was also accused of not supporting Warsaw in the spring of 1938 in its desire to seize Lithuania. Warsaw categorically refused to support Prague against Germany, and a possible flight of the Soviet Air Force to help the Czechoslovak army was prohibited.
True allied relations were developing with Berlin: Poland confirmed its promise not to allow the Red Army forces to pass through its territory, and on August 24 it proposed to Berlin its plan for the division of Czechoslovakia. According to it, Cieszyn Silesia went to Poland, Slovakia and Transcarpathian Rus' to Hungary, and the remaining lands to Germany. In September, the Volunteer Corps for the Liberation of Silesian Germans was created in the Third Reich, and the Volunteer Corps for the Liberation of Teszyn was created in Poland. German and Polish saboteurs and militants begin border actions - provocative attacks on Czech border guards, posts, police officers, after the attacks they immediately hid in the territory of Poland and Germany. At the same time, there is German-Polish diplomatic pressure on Prague.

The Polish leadership not only refused to consider the possibility of allowing Soviet troops and aviation through, but also organized the largest military maneuvers in the entire modern history of Poland on the Soviet-Polish border. 6 divisions (one cavalry and five infantry), one motorized brigade took part in them. According to the legend of the exercises, the “Reds” advancing in the east were stopped, defeated, and then a 7-hour parade was held in Slutsk, which was received by the “leader of the nation” Edward Rydz-Smigly. At the same time, a separate operational group of troops “Šlensk” was deployed against Czechoslovakia, consisting of 3 infantry divisions, the Wielkopolska Cavalry Brigade and a motorized brigade. On September 20, 1938, Hitler told the Polish ambassador to Germany Lipski that in the event of a war between Poland and Czechoslovakia over the Cieszyn region, the Third Reich would side with Poland. Warsaw was not stopped by Moscow's statement on September 23 that if Polish troops entered the territory of Czechoslovakia, the USSR would denounce the 1932 non-aggression treaty.
There is an intensification of border military pressure: on the night of September 25, in the town of Konské near Třinec, Polish militants threw hand grenades and fired at houses where Czechoslovak border guards were located; as a result of this attack, two buildings burned down. After a two-hour firefight, the attackers retreated into Polish territory. On the same day, Polish militants fired and threw grenades at the Frishtat railway station. On September 27, Warsaw again demands to “return” the region; rifle and machine gun fire continues all night on the border, and grenade explosions are heard. Bloody clashes took place in the vicinity of Bohumin, Teshin and Jablunkov, in the towns of Bystrice, Konska and Skrzechen. Air Force planes violate Czechoslovakian airspace every day.

September 29, 1938: Polish diplomats in the capitals of England and France insist on an equal approach to solving the problems of the Sudetenland and Teshin. The Polish and German military commands agree on the line of demarcation of troops in the event of an invasion of Czechoslovakia.
On the night of September 29-30, 1938, the famous Munich Agreement (the so-called “Munich Agreement”) was signed. On September 30, Warsaw presented a new ultimatum to the Czechoslovak government, demanding immediate satisfaction of its demands. The Polish elite was already dreaming of a “crusade” against the USSR, so the Polish ambassador to France said American Ambassador the following: “A religious war begins between fascism and Bolshevism, and if the Soviet Union provides assistance to Czechoslovakia, Poland is ready for war with the USSR shoulder to shoulder with Germany. The Polish government is confident that within three months the Russian troops will be completely defeated and Russia will no longer represent even the semblance of a state.”
Prague did not decide to go to war, the withdrawal of Czechoslovak troops began on October 1 armed forces from the disputed areas, already on October 2, Polish troops occupied the Cieszyn region - the operation was called “Zaluzhye”. It was a developed industrial region, where 80 thousand Poles and 120 thousand Czechs lived; at the end of 1938, Cieszyn enterprises produced more than 40% of the iron smelted in Poland and almost 47% of the steel. In Poland, this event was regarded as a national success - Foreign Minister Jozef Beck was awarded the highest order of the state, the White Eagle, received honorary doctorates from the Universities of Warsaw and Lviv, and the Polish press increased the intensity of expansionist sentiments in society.
The report of the 2nd department (intelligence department) of the main headquarters of the Polish Army (in December 1938) literally said the following: “The dismemberment of Russia lies at the basis of Polish policy in the East... Therefore, our possible position will boil down to the following formula: who will accept participation in the section. Poland must not remain passive at this remarkable historical moment.” Therefore, the main task of the Poles is to prepare well for this in advance. Poland's main goal is “the weakening and defeat of Russia.” On January 26, 1939, Jozef Beck will inform the head of the German Foreign Ministry that Poland will lay claim to Soviet Ukraine and access to the Black Sea (everything according to the “Greater Poland” plan - from sea to sea). On March 4, 1939 (at a time when it was necessary to intensively prepare for defense from the western directions), the Polish military command prepared a plan for the war with the USSR - “Vostok” (“Vshud”).
This madness was interrupted by a Wehrmacht attack on September 1, 1939; Berlin decided that in the campaign to the East it would do without Poland, and its territory should enter the “living space” of the reviving German Empire. A smaller predator was crushed by a larger one. But these historical lessons, unfortunately, they do not provide a stable vaccination against various chimeras such as “Greater Poland”, “Greater Romania”, etc., millions of Polish lives were given only half a century of peace. The modern Polish elite is again in league with a big predator - the USA, and is increasingly remembering its former greatness, about the power “from one to the other”...

Munich Agreement 1938(in Soviet historiography usually Munich agreement; Czech Mnichovska dohoda; Slovak Mnichovska dohoda; German Munchner Abkommen; fr. Accords de Munich; Italian Accordi di Monaco)) is an agreement drawn up in Munich on September 29, 1938 and signed on September 30 of the same year by British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, French Prime Minister Edouard Daladier, German Chancellor Adolf Hitler and Italian Prime Minister Benito Mussolini. The agreement concerned the transfer of the Sudetenland by Czechoslovakia to Germany.

Background

In 1938, 14 million people lived in Czechoslovakia, of which 3.5 million were ethnic Germans living compactly in the Sudetenland, as well as in Slovakia and Transcarpathian Ukraine (Carpathian Germans). The industry of Czechoslovakia, including the military, was one of the most developed in Europe. From the moment of occupation by Germany until the start of the war with Poland, the Skoda factories produced almost as much military products as the entire military industry of Great Britain produced during the same time. Czechoslovakia was one of the world's leading arms exporters, its army was superbly armed and relied on powerful fortifications in the Sudetenland.

The Sudeten Germans, through the mouth of the head of the national-separatist Sudeten-German Party K. Henlein, constantly stated that their rights were being infringed by the Czechoslovak government. The government took a number of measures to ensure the representation of Sudeten Germans in the National Assembly, local government, education in their native language, but the tension could not be relieved. Based on these statements, Hitler in February 1938 appealed to the Reichstag to “pay attention to the appalling living conditions of their German brethren in Czechoslovakia.”

First Sudeten Crisis

After the Anschluss of Austria in March 1938, Henlein arrived in Berlin, where he received instructions on further actions. In April, his party adopted the so-called Carlsbad program, which contained demands for autonomy. In May, the Henleinites intensify pro-German propaganda, put forward a demand for a referendum on the annexation of the Sudetenland to Germany, and on May 22, the day of municipal elections, they prepare a putsch in order to turn these elections into a plebiscite. At the same time, the Wehrmacht was advancing to the Czechoslovak border. This triggered the first Sudetenland crisis. Partial mobilization took place in Czechoslovakia, troops were sent into the Sudetenland and occupied border fortifications. At the same time, the USSR and France declared their support for Czechoslovakia (in pursuance of the Soviet-French treaty of May 2, 1935 and the Soviet-Czechoslovak treaty of May 16, 1935). Even Germany's ally Italy protested against the use of force to resolve the crisis. The attempt to seize the Sudetenland based on the separatist movement of the Sudeten Germans this time failed. Hitler moved on to negotiations. Negotiations were conducted between Henlein and the Czechoslovak government through the mediation of England.

Second Sudeten Crisis

On September 12, 1938, after the failure of negotiations, the second Sudetenland crisis was triggered. The Henleinites organized mass protests in the Sudetenland, which forced the Czechoslovak government to send troops into the areas inhabited by the Germans and declare martial law there. Henlein, avoiding arrest, fled to Germany. The next day, Chamberlain notified Hitler by telegram that he was ready to visit him “for the sake of saving the world.” On September 15, 1938, Chamberlain arrives for a meeting with Hitler in the city of Berchtesgaden, in the Bavarian Alps. During this meeting, the Fuhrer said that he wanted peace, but was ready for war because of the Czechoslovak problem. However, war can be avoided if Britain agrees to transfer the Sudetenland to Germany on the basis of the right of nations to self-determination. Chamberlain agreed with this.

On September 18, Anglo-French consultations took place in London. The parties agreed that the territories where more than 50% of Germans live should go to Germany, and that Great Britain and France would guarantee the new borders of Czechoslovakia. On September 20-21, the British and French envoys in Czechoslovakia told the Czechoslovak government that if it did not accept the Anglo-French proposals, the French government “would not fulfill the agreement” with Czechoslovakia. They also reported the following: “If the Czechs unite with the Russians, the war could take on the character of a crusade against the Bolsheviks. Then it will be very difficult for the governments of England and France to remain on the sidelines.” The Czech government refused to fulfill these conditions.

On September 22, Hitler issues an ultimatum: do not interfere with Germany’s occupation of the Sudetenland. In response to this, Czechoslovakia and France announce mobilization. On September 27, Hitler, facing the threat of war, backed down and sent Chamberlain a letter in which he said that he did not want war, was ready to guarantee the security of the remaining part of Czechoslovakia and discuss the details of the treaty with Prague. On September 29 in Munich, on Hitler’s initiative, he meets with the heads of government of Great Britain, France and Italy. However, contrary to the promise in the letter to Chamberlain, Czechoslovak representatives were not allowed to discuss the agreement. The USSR was denied participation in the meeting.

Munich Agreement

The meeting in Munich in the Führerbau took place on September 29-30. The basis of the agreement was the proposals of Italy, which were practically no different from the demands put forward earlier by Hitler at his meeting with Chamberlain. Chamberlain and Daladier accepted these proposals. At one in the morning on September 30, 1938, Chamberlain, Daladier, Mussolini and Hitler signed the Munich Agreement. After this, the Czechoslovak delegation was allowed into the hall where this agreement was signed. The leadership of Great Britain and France put pressure on the government of Czechoslovakia, and President Benes, without the consent of the National Assembly, accepted this agreement for execution.

Consequences

The annexation of the Sudetenland was only the beginning of the process of dismemberment of Czechoslovakia.

Poland took part in the division of Czechoslovakia: on September 21, 1938, at the height of the Sudeten crisis, Polish leaders presented an ultimatum to the Czechs to “return” to them the Cieszyn region, where 80 thousand Poles and 120 thousand Czechs lived. On September 27, a repeated demand was voiced. Anti-Czech hysteria was whipped up in the country. On behalf of the so-called “Union of Silesian Insurgents” in Warsaw, recruitment into the Cieszyn Volunteer Corps was carried out completely openly. Detachments of “volunteers” then headed to the Czechoslovak border, where they staged armed provocations and sabotage, and attacked weapons depots. Polish planes violated the border of Czechoslovakia every day. Polish diplomats in London and Paris advocated for an equal approach to solving the Sudeten and Cieszyn problems, while the Polish and German military, meanwhile, were already agreeing on the line of demarcation of troops in the event of an invasion of Czechoslovakia. The day after the conclusion of the Munich agreement, September 30, Poland sent another ultimatum to Prague and, simultaneously with German troops, sent its army into the Cieszyn region, the subject of territorial disputes between it and Czechoslovakia in 1918-1920. Left in international isolation, the Czechoslovak government was forced to accept the terms of the ultimatum.

Under pressure from Germany, the Czechoslovak government decides on October 7 to grant autonomy to Slovakia, and on October 8 to Subcarpathian Ruthenia.

On November 2, 1938, Hungary, by decision of the First Vienna Arbitration, received the southern (plain) regions of Slovakia and Transcarpathian Ukraine (Subcarpathian Ruthenia) with the cities of Uzhgorod, Mukachevo and Beregovo.

In March 1939, Germany occupied the remaining part of Czechoslovakia, incorporating it into the Reich under the name “Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia.” The Czechoslovak army did not offer any noticeable resistance to the invaders. Germany had at its disposal significant reserves of weapons from the former Czechoslovak army, which made it possible to arm 9 infantry divisions, and Czech military factories. Before the attack on the USSR, out of 21 Wehrmacht tank divisions, 5 were equipped with Czechoslovak-made tanks.

March 19 - The USSR government presents a note to Germany, declaring its non-recognition of the German occupation of part of the territory of Czechoslovakia.

The agreement signed in Munich became the culmination of the British “policy of appeasement.” One part of historians considers this policy an attempt to rebuild the Versailles system of international relations, which is in crisis, diplomatically, through agreements between the four great European powers. Chamberlain, returning from Munich to London, declared at the plane's steps: “I brought peace to our generation.” Another part of historians believes that the real reason carrying out this policy is an attempt by capitalist countries to crush the alien system at their side - the USSR. For example, British Deputy Foreign Secretary Cadogan wrote in his diary: “Prime Minister ( Chamberlain) stated that he would rather resign than sign an alliance with the Soviets." The Conservative slogan at that time was:

On the eve of Chamberlain's meeting with Hitler, on September 10, 1938, Sir Horace Wilson, the prime minister's closest adviser on all political matters, suggested that Chamberlain express to the German leader his appreciation of the opinion that "Germany and England are the two pillars supporting a world of order against destruction." the pressure of Bolshevism,” and that therefore he “wants not to do anything that could weaken the resistance that we can together provide to those who threaten our civilization.”

Thus, the “policy of appeasement” pursued since 1937 did not justify itself: Hitler used England to strengthen Germany, then captured almost all of continental Europe, after which he attacked the USSR.

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